(1) Paradigm is defined by T.S. Kuhn as "an entire constellation of beliefs, values, techniques and so on shared by the members of a given community" (The Structure of Scientific Revolutions", USA, Chicago, 1962, p.175). Many have applied KuhnÕs theory to social studies.

(2) The stages adopted here follow BorowitzÕs classification of historical periods (1991:1-6). This one of many possible approaches.

EriksonÕs epigenetic chart BorowitzÕs formative experiences NeusnerÕs field theory of the history of Judaism KungÕs paradigm shifts in Judaism JohnsonÕs historical periods

0-2 Basic trust Covenant 2000-1250 - Tribal –the period before the State -

2-4 Autonomy Settlement 1250-500 Biblical Judaisms for an Israel at home 1000-586 Kingdom –the monarchical period Israelites

4-6 Initiative Rabbinism 500-500 Judaisms for an uncertain restoration 586-70 Theocracy – Post-exilic Judaism Judaism

6-12 Industry The first stage in the formation of Judaism –the Mishnah 70-200 Cathedocracy

13-19 Identity Dispersion 500-1800 The second stage in the formation of Judaism: the Talmud and Midrash 200-600 Mediaeval-the rabbis and the synagogue Ghetto

20-30 Social intimacy Emancipation 1800-1945 The classical age of Judaism 640-1789 Modern –Assimilation Emancipation

30-65 Responsibility Post-Holocaust disillusionment 1945-2000 Second age of diversity –Judaisms on the modern and contemporary scene 1789 to today Postmodern? Holocaust

65-? Integrity Postmodern post-liberal Jewish experience? Zion

(3) DellaPergola uses the categories of "core" and "enlarged" Jewish identity in order to impose an operational framework on Jewish population estimates rather than allow a "normative definition" to the question "who is a Jew?" based on religious or cultural considerations. "More than ever, researchers are having difficulties in defining the target population", he writes (1999:9). His definitions are worthy of consideration. "Core Jewish identity" he defines as those who identify themselves as Jews or are so identified by others in their household. This approach includes both subjective feelings of individuals who identify as Jews, and community norm and bonds. It reflects attitudes that are looser in the Diaspora than in Israel, where personal status is subject to the ruling of the Ministry of the Interior. In the Diaspora the core definition is wider than the halakhic/rabbinic or legally binding definition, and does not depend on a personÕs Jewish commitment or behaviour, defined in terms of religiosity, beliefs, knowledge, communal affiliation, etc. It includes all those who converted to Judaism or decided to join the Jewish group informally and declare themselves Jewish, but excludes those of Jewish descent who have adopted another religion (whom he labels "former Jews"?!), as well as those who did not convert out but currently refuse to recognise their Jewishness. Before we react too quickly to DellaPergolaÕs arbitrary distinctions, let us note his definition of "peripheral Jews". His understanding of the "enlarged Jewish population" includes the core Jewish population, plus Jews by birth or parentage who do not currently identify as Jews, and thirdly, non-Jewish household members (spouses, children, etc.) who do not declare themselves Jewish. This significantly expands the "potentially Jewish population", as studies have shown, is with growing inter-marriage, the gap between the core and enlarged Jewish population tends to increase. It is here that the battle fought on the nature of Jewish identity is most keenly felt.

(4) DellaPergola provides a diagram to illustrate the core/periphery groupings (1999:10):

1. Jews

2. Non-Jewish family members of 1

3. "Former Jews"

4. Non-Jewish family members of 3

Periphery

Core

(5) DellaPergola estimates the breakdown of the four types as follows (1999:55):

Summary of Main Modes of Jewish Identification: Israel and Diaspora, Rough Estimates, Early 1990Õs

Type of Identification World (thousands) Diaspora (thousands) Israel (thousands) % in Israel

Total 13,000 8,600 4,400 33.8

Normative/Traditional 2,000 1,000 1,000 50.0

Ethnicity/Community 6,000 3,200 2,800 46.6

Cultural residue 4,000 3,500 500 12.5

Dual Jewish/Non-Jewish 1,000 900 100 10.0

(6) Secularisation may be defined as "that process by which religious institutions, actions and consciousness lose their social significance" (Bryan Wilson) It can be identified when religious observance ceases to be performed, religious institutions decline in influence, and religious activity and belief retreat from the public domain to the realm of the individual and their own choice. Religious identity is defined by consent, not descent. Whilst there is a difference between religion and spirituality, the decline in religious observance is a good indicator of the trend away from a world-view which looks to institutional religion to provide authority and status to individual and community beliefs and values.

Secularisation has effected Jewish community dramatically over the past three centuries, and continues to do so. Its significance as a trend today lies in its development of secular Jewish identity in the Diaspora, and as a component of non-religious ethnic Israeli identity. Secularisation previously gave the Jews opportunity to identify as citizens accepted within the state despite religious identity, and led to the creation of ethnic and cultural identities that saw religion as a barrier to be overcome. Secular nationalists were responsible for a- or anti-religious forms of Zionism. This has produced dereligionised national Jewish identity in Israel that is at odds with the increasingly stringent and separatist religious identity we shall note below. Yet the conflict between secular and religious is not as clear-cut as it may appear. Observance of the food-laws as part of a religious system is often adapted to express a secular identity. "It is not that Jewish modernity means a total secularisation of the culture; for some Jews that would be true, but what is more typical is that the religious and the secular inconsistently intermix." (Webber 1994:83)

The effect in Israel of the immigrants from the CIS, the majority of whom are ideologically secular, has yet to be evaluated, but it is likely that it will accelerate the growing gap between secular and religious. It is also likely to produce new types of Jewish identity which given an Eastern European flavour to Israeli ethnicity, both in reaction and response to the religious and secular identities already present. In the long run, the increase of secular Israelis will contribute to a further decline in the influence of the religious parties, but this will not be without the continuing tensions that are seen at present . The present balance of religious, religious nationalist, secular nationalist and humanist trends influencing Israeli identity will be weighted more towards the secular. With the re-distribution of the Jewish population to the centre, the accompanying influx of secular Israelis will continue the effects of secularisation well into the next century.

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