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| Go West, Young Man |
| Yorkshire Traders in America - Part 2 |
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At the end of the 18th century British exports
to America were officially valued at twenty million pounds (Sterling)
or more. How much of that cloth was handled by Yorkshiremen in America is not known but several Yorkshire names crop up in the records. The well-known, at the time, Leeds company of Elam and Glover were importing heavily into New York and Boston in the 1790s. John Glover appears to have spent most of his time in New York and Robert Elam moving around North America with frequent visits back to Leeds. William Rhodes, designated a New York merchant, received his naturalisation papers in 1789 and in 1794 was owner of the ship, 'Leeds Packet'. George Goodman arrived as a friend of Robert Elam; Benjamin Armitage also arrived in 1794 and became naturalised in 1796; a John Lupton appeared in Philadelphia in 1796, if he felt homesick he could always nip round for a chat with John Waddington, the Philadelphia partner of Cookson, who was mayor of Leeds at that time. |
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In 1798 there arrived a man who would make
quite an impact in New York Francis Thompson was the youngest of seven brothers who comprised the firm of 'Thompson Brothers, cloth manufacturers, of Rawdon'. |
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Francis had become the 'American end' of the
business and he was to sell cloths sent to him by his brothers.
Francis was about 30 years old so did not find adapting to the
ways of the New World difficult. He was a Quaker, which gave him easy access to many of the Yorkshire traders, including Thomas Walker, a Yorkshire trader in Philadelphia, and Isaac Wright, a Long Island Quaker importer of cloths. He soon found his feet; he sold Rawdon products, handled consignments from other Yorkshire and Lancashire exporters, entered into various deals with Thomas Walker, obtained a warehouse and sold goods direct from there and utilised auctioneers in New York and Boston. |
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In 1801 Francis took his first trip home and
on his return his nephew, Jeremiah, son of the eldest of the
seven brothers, accompanied him. Jeremiah was about thirty years old, so was only three years younger than his uncle, but he was better educated and had an energetic personality which belied his Quaker upbringing. If he needed an illustration of the enormity of the markets he was about to attack, he need only have watched the loading of the ship 'Mars', on which he would make his first journey westward. It was so heavily laden with cloth that the customs duties came to thirty-four thousand pounds (Sterling). |
| The two Thompsons worked well as a team but it was not all business. Francis married Isaac Wright's daughter which strengthened his business connections. Romance? - possibly, but business before pleasure! |
| In 1803 this little band of entrepreneurs welcomed a non-Quaker into their fold. Huddersfield lad, Benjamin Marshall had arrived that year, in New York, with a consignment of cloth, liked the place, and decided to stay. He met the Thompson-Wrights and thus began a friendship and business association that would last for thirty years. |
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1808 saw Jeremiah Thompson crossing back to
England following a death in the family. Jeremiah, and his brother
William, took over the family business trading as 'Jeremiah and
William Thompson, Woollen Manufacturers and Merchants'. William
was to be the 'home' partner managing the production at the factory
and buying goods at the cloth markets. Jeremiah hurried back to New York. |
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Meanwhile, politics was conspiring to destroy
trade. Following the Revolution the British and Canadians had lost the Ohio River valley. The valley was vital as a trade route and also home to a large Indian (Indigenous American in modern parlance) population. The Indians, who had supported the British in the Revolution, were now arguing for a separate state to be created south and west of Lake Erie. The British welcomed the agitation. In 1806 Napoleon ordered all European ports under his control to be closed to British ships, and, later, to neutral ships that had visited a British port. Britain replied- requiring all neutral ships to obtain a licence before they could sail to the continental ports. Thus, neutral ships had to take sides. Britain still had the world's most powerful navy but the American economy depended on trade with Europe. |
| America, resentful against both Britain and France, adopted a non-importation policy. Exemptions in the policy still allowed cheap woollens to be imported into America. Consequently, the merchants managed to import a considerable quantity of goods. |
| The American embargo gave place to a non-intercourse policy in March 1809 although even this policy was suspended for Britain from June to August 1809. The policy was finally abandoned against both countries in May 1810. |
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The re-opening of the American markets was
a welcome relief to both American and British merchants. Bulging
mailbags crossed the Atlantic with orders and tenders renewing
old acquaintances. More British merchants crossed the other way to re-establish contacts and some became residents, many living in the boarding houses of Lower Manhattan. Amongst the many Yorkshire residents was one David Crowther. |
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David was the third son of George Crowther. In 1796 George's family had moved to Churwell, near Leeds. There he had bought nine acres of land on which stood a house and workshops. Through the property ran a small brook, suitable to drive a mill wheel, and in one corner a small coal seam. The site was in the middle of an area populated by countless weavers to whom Crowther could pass his own yarn to be woven. |
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| In about 1805, when George died, his three brothers, George, Thomas and David, took over the running of the business. As in so many cases, the two eldest brothers stayed at home managing the production and buying-in of cloths, and for David, being the youngest at 22 years; it was 'Goodbye Churwell, Hello America' |
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On November 7th, 1810, David Crowther arrived
in New York. Crowther settled in a boarding house on the tip of Manhattan near the wharves and warehouses. |
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'Mrs. Atterbury's (the landlady) are a very
nice family. There are seven boarders of us, and most of them
are very intelligent men and all very steady and orderly. One
of the Miss Atterburys plays well on the pianoforte and Mr. J.
Lister from Leeds plays on the flute. The rest of us sing, mostly
Hymns, sometimes 'Rule Britannia' or some such good thing. The
Hymn Book which you was so kind as to give me we find very useful;
the Methodists here have a different selection, consequently
I cannot find the Hymn very well by the page… Jeremiah Thompson
is my greatest friend and the following are almost the only persons
I keep company with: Joseph Walker from Leeds, George Coggill from Mill Shaw, William Robertson from Wortley, J. Bakewell from Derbyshire, J. Lister from Leeds, and two men from Manchester and Sheffield respectively. All respectable young men, or I should no longer know them.' |
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International problems continued. When America
abandoned its 'non-intercourse' policy in the spring of 1810
it had included a bribe. If either Britain of France abandoned
their rough treatment of American ships, but the other side refused
to do so, the Americans would revive their boycott of the stubborn
country. The French, ever on the look-out to damage Britain, took up the offer. Napoleon privately informed the American Ambassador that he was annulling his Decrees insofar as they affected American goods and ships. The news reached America in late September and in early November President Madison officially declared the fact. Britain now had three months in which to follow France's lead or have all British ships shut out of American ports. |
| London, however, did not trust Napoleon and asked for definite public proof that the Decrees had been lifted. There was no proof. Madison could produce nothing but having acted he could not back down without losing face. The ban was imposed in February 1811. Napoleon smiled. |
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The ban was one-sided. American ships could carry American cotton, lumber, tobacco, rice, furs, etc, to England. They could sell but not buy. American ships could either fill up with continental produce, for which there was little demand, or they could return in ballast, or carry emigrants for which there was little income. |
| The situation was disastrous for companies on both sides. The economic depression had spread to America and many companies went bankrupt. |
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In June 1811 David Crowther wrote to his sister; 'Ever since I have arrived things have been in a very uncertain and awkward state as respects trade between England and America, and the present prospects are by no means flattering. I wrote my Brothers on the 28th March, desiring them to inform me which of these three plans it will be best to pursue, coming home, stopping here, or going to Canada, in any of which I shall most willingly acquiesce. I ask'd Mr. Thompson what he thought would be best to do, and he says don't be in a hurry, wait and see what's to be done…..' |
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Thompson's advice reflected the general optimism.
Surely, it was thought, that proof would soon be forthcoming
that Napoleon's Decrees had been rescinded allowing Britain to
revoke its Orders, or else it would become apparent that Madison
had been tricked and the ban on British goods would be removed. Merchants took and placed orders. Mail to Yorkshire carried orders for all manner of cloth goods. All was in readiness for when Congress or London yielded. |
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Crowther showed his faith in the future by
visiting the Court House and declaring his intention to become
a citizen of America. A letter from home advised Crowther to travel north to Canada, to study the markets and pass the time. He returned to New York in the spring of 1812. Crowther found the diplomatic situation deteriorating dramatically. |
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By the end of June 1812 Crowther and his fellow
Yorkshiremen found themselves in the unusual category of 'enemy
aliens'. The older immigrants still had to become naturalised citizens but those of Crowther's generation still had to get their 'second papers' - which required a five-year residency. Newcomers still had not obtained their 'first papers'. In addition were hundreds of emigrants who had travelled on the otherwise empty ships from Britain and Ireland in 1811-12. |
| Crowther was agreeably surprised. In July 1812 a decree ordered all British subjects to register with the US Marshal of their state or territory. They were to furnish their name, age, address, length of residence, occupation, number of dependants and their names, and if, and when, they had made application to the courts preparatory to their naturalisation. These details were forwarded to Washington. After that nothing much happened. |
| In November Crowther wrote,' The respect with which we treat Englishmen here seems to prove that the present war is rather betwixt the two governments than the people.' |
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However, in March 1813 his letters took a
gloomier tone, 'We have been well treated in an enemy country
'till lately.' In February the Department of State issued an order requiring all alien enemies, residing within forty miles of tidewater, to apply for a passport, and to retire to a place, designated by the Marshal. Those who were not engaged in commerce, farmers, artisans etc, and had settled before the conflict could stay where they were. The New York Marshal summoned all British traders to go to him immediately and be issued with passports with their new place of residence designated thereon. The traders were treated kindly. They were given time to settle their affairs. New York City is so near to tidal waters and tidal rivers that to get forty miles away and be in a sizeable town would require travelling 200 miles away. Crowther, amongst others, was allowed to stay in New York City on condition that he report to the Marshal every month. |
| In April 1813 a John Mason was appointed 'Commissary General for Prisoners of War'. This remit included the superintendence of enemy aliens. He set about his work with zeal. |
| Under the new regime Crowther had to move. In July Crowther and others were sent to Fishkill, a village about 60 miles north of New York City. The 'enemy aliens' had to find their own accommodation. Merchant George Coggill found a house big enough to lodge his own family and a few boarders, including David Crowther. |
| Coggill cannot have been the happiest of hosts. He had arrived in New York early in 1811 fully intending to settle there. In March 1812 he had taken out his 'first papers' and was so certain that matters would be resolved that he sailed back to England, on the last day of March. He collected his property, wife, children, and placed orders for goods. In Leeds, Morley, Beeston and Wortley he bought large quantities of cloths for himself and New York colleagues. London revoked the Orders on Council and Coggill hurried his family to Liverpool. |
| The 'Euphrates' set sail laden with a 700,000 pounds (Sterling) cargo and crowded with passengers, blissfully unaware that the United States had declared war on June 18th. |
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