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1967 oPt: Israeli occupied Palestinian territory, MearWalt book tour (2007-2008)

2007-12: interviews, news, events, comment, context

Mearsheimer/Walt, The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy

 

by Charles Judson Harwood Jr.

 

2002, 2003, 2004, 2005, 2006, Sept., Oct., Nov., Dec., 2007 Jan., Feb., March, April, May, June, July, August, Sept., Oct, Nov., Dec., 2008 Jan., Feb., March, April, May, June, July

< December 2007 >

 

Palestine Peace Not Apartheid

Settlements
Blockade, reprisals
Bombing Iran
War Crimes Act
Iran uranium timeline
Iraq wmd war timeline: 2002, 2003, 2004, 2005-2006, 2007-2008
Congress debates, votes

Scott McConnell (editor), “The Lobby Strikes Back: A new book riles the AIPAC crowd, but makes it to the bestseller list anyway” {pf} (The American Conservative, Arlington Virginia, December 3 2007).

Norman Finkelstein, interviewed Wednesday December 5 2007 by Stan van Houcke, “Norman Finkelstein” (Audioblog), reported, “Norman Finkelstein” (Stan, Amsterdam), audio {18:18, 9.74mb.mp3, source, menu, source, source, rss, rss}.

Norman Finkelstein, remarks (speech, Q&As), moderated by Brian Burgoon (senior lecturer in political science, UVA: Universiteit van Amsterdam), “The coming break-up of American Zionism” (sponsors: NIPI: Nederlands Instituut Palestina Israël, EAJG: Een Ander Joods Geluid, funding: NCDO: Nationale Commissie voor Internationale Samenwerking en Duurzame Ontwikkeling, venue: De Balie, Kleine-Gartmanplantsoen 10, Leidseplein, Amsterdam Netherlands, Wednesday December 6 2007, 8:30-10:30pm) (en: UVA: University of Amsterdam, NIPI: Netherlands Institute Palestine/Israel, EAJG: A Different Jewish Voice, NCDO: National Committee for International Cooperation and Sustainable Development), audio (speech) {1:04:08, 30.7mb.mp3, source, menu, rss, blog, audioblog, search, search}, audio (answers to questions) {40:54, 20.8mb.mp3, source, menu} (Stan van Houcke, blogs, Stan, Audioblog, Amsterdam).

Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, 2004 I.C.J. 136 (U.N. I.C.J.: International Court of Justice, The Hague, Advisory Opinion, July 9 2004) {8.1mb.pdf, source}, ICJ summary {128.5kb.pdf, source}, U.N. Doc. A/ES-10/273 (July 16 2004) {469kb.pdf, UNBISnet, browse}.

Three Years Later: The Humanitarian Impact of the Barrier Since the International Court of Justice Opinion {1.5mb.pdf} (U.N. OCHA/oPt: Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, occupied Palestinian territory, East Jerusalem, Special Focus, July 9 2007) (maps), copy {1.5mb.pdf, source} (U.N. OCHA, ReliefWeb, New York City, Geneva, Kobe, Complex Emergency: Occupied Palestinian Territory (CE)) (maps).

Norman Finkelstein, lunch lecture (UU: Universiteit Utrecht, Faculteit Rechtsgeleerdheid, SIM: Studie- en Informatiecentrum Mensenrechten, co-sponsored: NIPI: Nederlands Instituut Palestina Israël, Kromme Nieuwegracht 80, Van Ravensteijnzaal, Utrecht Netherlands, Thursday December 6 2007, 12-1:30pm) (en: UU: Utrecht University, School of Law, SIM: Netherlands Institute of Human Rights, NIPI: Netherlands Institute Palestine/Israel).

John Mearsheimer, Stephen Walt, remarks (speech, Q&As), Robert Keohane (professor of public and international affairs), discussant, moderated by Katherine S. Newman (director, PIIRS, professor of sociology and public affairs), “The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy” (Princeton University, sponsors: WWS: Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, PIIRS: Princeton Institute for International and Regional Studies, NES: Program in Near Eastern Studies, TransReg: Institute for the Transregional Study of the Contemporary Middle East, North Africa and Central Asia, venue: Dodds Auditorium, Robertson Hall, Princeton New Jersey, Monday December 10 2007, 7-9pm ET), WWS/UC video (nb asx, bb asx) {1:56:03, Q&As at 57:30, 28.2mb.rm, 260mb.rm, 41.7mb.wmv, 295mb.wmv, 298mb.mp4, ditto, rss, sources: wws, uc, uc, search, search}, UC audio {26.6mb.mp3, rss, source, source} (UChannel: University Channel, audio/video streaming/download/broadcast archive, managed by Princeton University, WWS: Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs), WWS calender (day, week, month, year), “'Israel Lobby' authors to speak, Dec. 10” (News@Princeton, December 6 2007), reported, David Walter, “Critics of Israeli lobby draw fire{pf} (The Daily Princetonian, December 11 2007, page 1 image) (“Dodds Auditorium, which overflowed with attendees anxious to hear the scholars”), and see, Aaron L. Friedberg (WWS professor of politics and international affairs), “An open letter regarding Walt and Mearsheimer{pf} (The Daily Princetonian, December 11 2007), comment, Philip Weiss, “Princeton Offers Immunity to Neocons for Iraq Disaster,” “Keohane of Princeton on Walt and Mearsheimer” (Mondoweiss, blog, New York City, December 11-12 2007), Justin Raimondo (editorial director) “The Israel Lobby and the War Party, Or do I repeat myself?” (Antiwar.com, December 12, 2007).

Scott Ritter, “US Must Reevaluate Its Relationship With Israel{pf, copy} (Antiwar.com, December 17 2007). “Israel's shameless invocations of the Holocaust to defend its actions not only shames the memory of those murdered over 60 years ago but, ironically, dilutes the impact of that memory, by linking it with current policies, that are cruel and intolerant ... the grip Israel has on American policymaking must come to an end. It is up to the American people to make this change, first and foremost by recognizing that a real problem exists in American-Israeli relations, then by electing officials to Congress who will deal responsibly with these problems based not on the behind-the-scenes lobbying of Israel and its proxies, but rather the legitimate interests of the United States.”

 

Martin Kramer (WINEP: Washington Institute for Near East Policy, Washington D.C.), “Kicking footnotes of 'The Israel Lobby' (Sandbox, blog, December 17 2007).

“Kicking footnotes”

“ Martin Kramer: But do the sources cited in the notes say what Mearsheimer and Walt say they say? Even this is doubtful. Here’s an example.

The context is their claim that U.S. support for Israel is primarily responsible for the drop in America’s popularity in the Muslim world. Policies supportive of Israel, they write, “help explain why many Arabs and Muslims are so angry with the United States that they regard Al Qaeda with sympathy and some are willing to support it, either directly or tacitly.”

Of course, no one denies the drop in America’s popularity, but there is a debate about its causes. Some would argue that the Iraq war made the difference. ...

To counter this notion, Mearsheimer and Walt need to prove that the United States was particularly disliked before the Iraq war, precisely because of U.S. policies toward Israel and the Palestinians.

So how do they attempt that? On page 68, they present the evidence:

“The Pew Global Attitudes Survey reported in 2002 — before the invasion of Iraq — that “public opinion about the United States in the Middle East/Conflict Area is overwhelmingly negative,” and much of this unpopularity stems from the Palestinian issue. [73]”

The footnote at the end of this sentence points to p. 54 of the relevant Pew report. {The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy, footnotes, chapter 2, note 73}.

I found this claim intriguing, so I decided to check it out by going back to the Pew Report. You can download it yourself right here. If you do, you’ll discover what I did: that there’s no evidence whatsoever, on p. 54 or any other page, that U.S. unpopularity in the Middle East stemmed in any part from the Palestinian issue. ...

Academic incompetence? Intellectual dishonesty? Over-reliance on the many “research assistants” and “fact-checkers” whom the authors acknowledge?

All that really matters is that not one of these 1,200-plus notes should be taken at face value. Not only do the authors only cite sources that support their argument. They cite sources that don’t, while claiming that they do.

How many other bogus references pad the back-matter of this book? We’ll probably never know, because no one will ever have the patience to wade through them all.”

“Incompetence?   Dishonesty?   Bogus?”

Why the U.S. is hated

Curiously, that Pew survey gives no reason, why the U.S. was so hated, long before the U.S. attacked Iraq.

Not a question they said they asked, in their 38,000 face-to-face interviews, in 44 countries (July-October 2002):

What the World Thinks in 2002 “First Major Report of the Pew Global Attitudes Project” {273kb.pdf} (Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, 1150 18th Street N.W., Suite 975, Washington D.C., published December 4 2002).

But that particular Pew survey is not “the relevant Pew report,” as Martin Kramer claims it to be, on that question, why the U.S. is so hated.

The answer to that question — “why” — was previously discovered, and previously reported.

The answer is so obvious, so unambiguous, so clear and undisputed, such common knowledge, it apparently did not warrant further question in that later Pew survey, or comment in that later Pew report.

That footnoted Pew report (page 73), itself cites the relevant Pew report, from a year earlier, the “inaugural survey of the Pew Global Attitudes Project ... released December 19, 2001” (cited below), and says (page v, the forward), “it presents public views about America’s role in the world, U.S. foreign policy ....”

That’s a lead, in the footnoted source, for any researcher wanting to investigate further, a lead to a source for the reason why (quoted below).

The president of the Pew Research Center, and director of the Pew Global Attitudes Project, Andrew Kohut, he testified about the Pew survey, to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee (February 27 2003), before the U.S. attacked Iraq (March 20 2003).

He said, the main reason was well known, why the U.S. was so hated, and that main reason is obvious, “an 800-pound gorilla,” he called it, citing the earlier Pew survey (December 19 2001), and a Gallup survey the next month:

“ Andrew Kohut: And I think dislike of the United States is principally driven by our Mideast policies.

That is what opinion leaders told us, the Pew survey of opinion leaders that we did at the end of 2001, with The International Herald Tribune.

They said it is the number one reason why America is disliked.

* * *

The Gallup Poll, which conducted nationwide surveys in 9 Muslim nations at the beginning of 2002, summed it up this way, and I am going to read a quote from their report. They said that

“the perception that Western nations are not fair in their stances toward Palestine fits in with a more generalized view that the West is unfair to Arab and Islamic worlds. It is one of the several examples of Western bias in the minds of these people.”

* * *

But our committee’s {country’s?} policies are the 800-pound gorilla, in terms of these people’s attitudes.

And one point I have not made is:—

As bad as it has been in the Mideast area, in the region of conflict, it is not that bad in Africa.

But, it is getting bad in Africa.

Because the African Muslims are beginning to look at the Mideast issue, and the Palestinian issue, and say, “America really does not care about people like us.””

American Public Diplomacy and Islam {322kb.txt, 448kb.pdf, purl}, pages 59, 79, boldface added (U.S. Congress 108-1, Senate Hearing, S. Hrg. 108-21, Senate Foreign Relations Committee, February 27 2003) {SuDoc: Y 4.F 76/2:S.HRG.108-21, LCCN: 2003628284, OCLC: 52413597, GPOcat, LL: paper, microfiche, DL, WorldCat, May 30 2003}, Richard G. Lugar (chairman) {22kb.pdf, copy}, Joseph R. Biden Jr. (ranking minority member) {copy}.

Note:Public diplomacy” is a U.S./U.K. government euphemism (double-speak) for “propaganda.” This hearing assumes this premise: “They hate us because we don’t explain ourself well enough,” not because we behave hatefully, earning justified hatred. It’s a simple question of how much money to spend, and what to spend it on: TV, radio, bribing journalists, broadcasters, to plant state-propaganda stories, concealing their source. A simple task, to educate, deceive, foreigners, entertain them, distract them from politics, hoping they forget, get confused, won’t pay attention, why they are justified to hate the U.S.

Here’s more from that Gallup survey, a year earlier:

“ There is nothing ambiguous about perceptions of Western policy toward the Palestinians among the residents of the nine predominantly Islamic countries surveyed for Gallup’s 2002 Islamic study.

Only a handful of people living in most of these nations believe the West acts fairly in its stance on the Palestinian issue.”

Lydia Saad (senior Gallup Poll editor), “Islamic Views of the U.S.: The Palestine Factor” (Gallup World Poll analysis, April 2 2002), reporting, The 2002 Gallup Poll of the Islamic World (“The first and only nationally representative, publicly available, survey of nine predominantly Muslim nations on their residents’ views about the West”) (10,000 people, face-to-face interviews, in 9 predominantly Muslim countries, in December 2001 and January 2002) (Gallup Poll, The Gallup Building, 901 F Street NW, Washington D.C., published February 26 2002).

And this, from the 2001 Pew survey:

“ Differences Over Israel

Substantial majorities of opinion leaders in every region except Eastern Europe/Russia believe the United States has been too supportive of Israel. American influentials, on balance, disagree: 45% say that U.S. backing for Israel has not been excessive, while 35% say that it has.

Opinion leaders in the Middle East/conflict area, not surprisingly, are nearly unanimous in their view that the United States has been too supportive of Israel.

Yet that opinion is widely shared in Latin America and Asia as well, where roughly eight-in-ten believe U.S. backing has been excessive.

The only significant dissent comes from Eastern Europe/Russia, where opinion is split — 40% say U.S. has provided too much support for Israel, while 47% disagree.

There is broad agreement that U.S. pressure on Israel to create a Palestinian state would reduce terrorism. Most American opinion leaders (67%) subscribe to this view, as do those in other regions, especially the Middle East/conflict area (90%).”

“America Admired, Yet Its New Vulnerability Seen As Good Thing, Say Opinion Leaders; Little Support for Expanding War on Terrorism:” “How the World Has Changed,” reporting, Global Opinion Leader Survey {pf} (November 12 – December 13 2001) (Pew Research Center for the People and the Press, and The International Herald Tribune, published December 19 2001).

_______________

Book history

Before we turn to Martin Kramer’s questions, let’s first listen, to how this book was produced.

“ Question {5:13, at 21:07}: So the article does come out, in the London Review of Books ... in March 2006, created this enormous storm and controversy. ...

This book comes out in the fall, or in the early fall, of 2007. I mean it’s probably 120,000 words, up from an article which is much smaller.

How did you do that?

* * *

John Mearsheimer: We basically decided, in the summer of 2006, that we probably ought to do a book. And then we got a contract with FSG. And in the fall, early fall, of 2006, we began to go to work.

We worked extremely hard, over the next 8 months, to produce the book.

Steve and I had not planned this, but we both were on sabbatical that year. So we had an enormous amount of free time to write the book. I mean, if we hadn’t been on sabbatical, both of us, we couldn’t have done the book.

The second point, you want to keep in mind, is that the first article, we submitted to The Atlantic, was actually a small book. We wrote a small book for The Atlantic. They understood what we were doing, and we understood that we would cut it down into article form.

But anyway, all that is to say, we had a lot of raw material there, by the fall of 2006.

Furthermore, we had written the article, we had written an 80-page response to our critics.

John J. Mearsheimer, Stephen M. Walt, “The Israel Lobby” (London Review of Books, volume 28 number 6, dated March 23 2006).
John J. Mearsheimer, Stephen M. Walt, Setting the Record Straight: A Response to Critics of “The Israel Lobby” {4mb.pdf} (December 12 2006, 73 pages, 168 footnotes).

So we knew what all the criticisms would be, of the book, and we were well prepared, to build-in the counters to those arguments.

So we were in pretty good shape, to produce a rather lengthy book, in a relatively short period of time.

* * *

John Mearsheimer {00:38, at 25:40}: Farrar, Straus and Giroux went to enormous lengths, to make sure that we got this book right.

Eric Chinski, who was our editor, was a superb editor. He reviewed the manuscript three separate times.

And at one point, Steve, Eric, and I spent the whole week in Boston, going over every word of the manuscript.

Moreover, Steve and I paid $16,000, out of our own pockets, to hire two fact-checkers, two of the best fact-checkers out there.

We had a handful of first class academics, and former policy-makers, read the manuscript.

One person gave us 55 single-spaced pages of comments.”

John Mearsheimer, Bruce Feiler, conversation, “Debating the Israel Lobby” (BloggingHeads.tv, recorded November 28 2007), video/audio, 5:13 at 21:07-26:20 (details/links posted at the recorded date).

Martin Kramer’s questions

Now, for Martin Kramer’s questions.

1. Are Mearsheimer and Walt “intellectually dishonest”?

This is an easy question.

They would be dishonest, if they knew their statement is wrong (“much of this unpopularity stems from the Palestinian issue”).

But their statement is not wrong, it’s correct, as the above surveys demonstrate.

And so, their statement is honest.

2. Are Mearsheimer and Walt “academically incompetent”?

This too is an easy question.

They would be incompetent, if they set themselves a feasible task, but were not able to accomplish it, after expending sufficient effort.

But the statement Martin Kramer challenges, it’s a true statement, and they make their true statement in a “New York Times Bestseller.”

And so, they’re competent.

_______________

Footnoting

Then how do we label the lacuna, as Martin Kramer claims it to be, in footnote 73 to chapter 2?

But is it a lacuna?

The footnoted sentence contains a compound assertion (the U.S. is unpopular, and the reason why).

The footnote documents the first assertion, a quotation from page 54 of the footnoted Pew survey report, that the U.S. is “unpopular,” as Mearsheimer and Walt summarize the report.

“Hated” is the word Pew uses, on page 1 of the report, about the relevant regions, the “true dislike” of America, felt there:

“True dislike, if not hatred, of America is concentrated in the Muslim nations of the Middle East and in Central Asia, today’s areas of greatest conflict.”

The footnote reference-number (“callout”) sits at the end of the sentence, a single sentence containing both factual assertions.

The first assertion is a quotation, and a quotation requires a footnoted source.

The second assertion (the reason why the U.S. is hated) is not a quotation, and so does not require a footnoted source. The authors do not attribute it to that survey, and they do not source it.

Apparently, that’s the style of the authors, or the publisher, to put all footnote reference-numbers at the end of a sentence. In some books, all such footnote “callouts” are grouped at the end of paragraphs.

Mearsheimer and Walt wrote 211 footnotes, in their pre-book working paper, which they posted to the Harvard and Chicago university websites.

Every single footnote callout they positioned at the end of a sentence.

They did not footnote sentence fragments.

John J. Mearsheimer, Stephen Walt, “The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy{1411kb.pdf, U.Chicago} (Working Paper Number: RWP06-011, March 13 2006, Faculty Research Working Paper Series, hosted, website of John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University).

In their book, they wrote 1,399 footnotes. All six footnote callouts, on that page 68, are positioned at the end of sentences. I’m still awaiting my copy of the book; I presume it’s the same style for the rest of the book too.

Accordingly, this book, like others, might be full of sentences/paragraphs only partly documented by a footnote.

A book which does not footnote sentence fragments (footnote callouts embedded in the sentence interior):—

This writing/publishing style does not constitute what Martin Kramer claims it does:

A “claim” by the authors, that the footnote “supports their argument.”

With this form of words, Martin Kramer misrepresents what Mearsheimer and Walt wrote, in that sentence.

Martin Kramer portrays them needful of support.”

Because they are making an “argument.”

Trying hard to persuade an audience, to believe something, something controversial, something disputed.

But they’re not making an argument.

They’re not trying to persuade anybody of anything.

In that sentence, the assertion Martin Kramer challenges is not an “argument,” it’s a simple “fact.”

The whole sentence merely recounts facts, two facts, not two arguments.

Two facts which are not controversial.

Two facts which are not disputed.

These two facts:

(1) The U.S. is hated.

(2) Much because the U.S. is a co-conspirator with Israel, a co-principal, an inciter, aider and abetter, facilitator, enabler, protector, financier, in a many decades-long, massive, violent criminal enterprise, of historic proportions, the ethnic cleansing of Palestine, the confiscation, the colonization, of Palestinian land, enforced by a brutal iron fist, of apartheid, walled ghettos, Nacht und Nebel kidnappings, torture, and such.

Or, as Mearsheimer and Walt phrased it:

“The Pew Global Attitudes Survey reported in 2002 — before the invasion of Iraq — that “public opinion about the United States in the Middle East/Conflict Area is overwhelmingly negative,” and much of this unpopularity stems from the Palestinian issue. [73]”

Their “argument” (elsewhere in the book) is this:

What to do about it.

What to do about these facts.

And there, yes, they seek to persuade the audience:

That the U.S. should withdraw from this violent criminal enterprise, terminate its unconditional support for Israel, stop vetoing U.N. Security Council resolutions, join the rest of the world, resolve to enforce our collective values.

And then lead, or else get out of the way.

An international effort, to stand with Israelis, their activists, their valiant, their timid, their intimidated, encourage Israelis, to heed their better nature, isolate and coerce Israel, its government, its shadow governments, its bullies, its elites, its profiteers, its buccaneers, to terminate their violent crimes, withdraw their army, their settlers, back inside their borders.

And leave their neighbors in peace.

Yes, I don’t suppose, that’s exactly the way they phrase it. But I don’t suppose either, they would squirm, at my summary of it, their argument.

Mearsheimer and Walt support their argument, not with footnotes — as Martin Kramer claims they claim — but with facts, including the true fact Martin Kramer challenges.

Some of the facts they recount, they also footnote, the source of them, quotations, for example.

And some they don’t, common knowledge, for example (this example) and, another example, details their footnoted sources themselves lead to (also this example).

There are many facts in the book, and Mearsheimer and Walt do not claim, what Martin Kramer claims they claim, that every fact is footnoted. That every footnote documents every assertion in a sentence or a paragraph.

They don’t need to document every fact.

They don’t “argue” about facts.

They don’t have to persuade an intelligent audience, to believe facts.

Their task is to search-out the facts, marshal them, draw inferences from them, learn the lessons they teach, and then persuade the audience, to take action, do something about it:—

The catastrophe those facts portray.

And show them the way.

As for facts, authors represent, that what they write is true (excepting fiction, satire, roll-playing, and such).

It’s true, whether it’s footnoted or not.

And that includes the true fact Martin Kramer challenges.

That’s their claim.

They do not promise to footnote every fact, to vanish their important footnotes, into a sea of mediocrity, unnecessary footnotes, ballooning a book, and its price, to no good end.

_______________

Footnote callouts

Footnoting sentence fragments, this is common in writing for audiences paid or obligated to read what you write, legal writing, scientific writing, maybe academic writing generally.

But, thumbing through several of them, I don’t see it’s common, in writing politics books, for a general audience.

Customers, who can take it, or leave it, when surveying the bookseller’s wares.

I don’t have CMOS: The Chicago Manual of Style. I don’t suppose it decrees rules on this topic (e.g., different rules for different audiences), a topic of substance, not style.

The CMOS staff say, in a case like this, the footnote reference-number (“callout”) should not be at the end of the sentence, but inside the sentence instead, terminating the first of the compound assertions. Because the second assertion, which follows it, is unsourced.

That’s how I understand this, their answer to a question about an academic paper (not a politics book):

“The idea is to provide a citation every time it’s needed, not to follow arbitrary rules about numbers of note callouts or their location in a paragraph. You need a new note every time the source changes, and the callout should be located where it makes the most sense — at the end of a clause or sentence, if possible. Each time you use a different source (or a different page number in the same source), a new note is appropriate. If the contents of an entire paragraph can be attributed to a single source, then a single note at the end of the paragraph is sufficient.”

Documentation,” second question (undated) (The Chicago Manual of Style Online, source:New Questions and Answers,” undated, posted January 2008, The University of Chicago) (CMOS email: “the January Q&A”).

In an email, “Staff,” from CMOS, told me this (January 3 2008):

“CMOS does not try to advise scholars on how to write their books or theses or document them. Rather, our job is to provide advice for styling citations and preparing a manuscript. You might look at one of Charles Lipson’s book for advice on when content needs documentation.

16.30 gives examples of the placement of note numbers, which should go at the end of a clause or sentence if possible. So yes, if the citation goes only with the first part of a sentence, the callout should be in the middle of the sentence rather than at the end.

16.34 discourages using more than one note reference at a single location and notes that a single note can contain more than one citation (see 16.37).”

A politics book:—

It’s not a brief to a court.

It’s not evidence in a trial.

It’s not a medical journal.

It’s not an academic Thesis.

And so, authors and publishers are entitled to adopt a style conventional for their audience, and if there be no convention, then a style they suppose will suit their audience. They can relegate all footnote callouts to the end of sentences, if that’s what they want to do.

May be, publishers long ago decided, footnoting sentence fragments discourages a segment of the general audience from buying a book, denoting detail beyond the interest of some otherwise buyers, that it interrupts the flow of the narrative, distracts readers, exasperates them, makes them anxious, unsettles them, with the prospect of a parallel, contrary narrative, buried in the footnotes, a feeling they’re missing something, important, a key caveat maybe, if they don’t stop reading, and check a footnote.

There are plenty of general readers who accept the competence of the authors, and simply want to hear what they have to say, without distractions. These readers may be glad, the authors disciplined themselves with footnotes, but are content for others to check them. They don’t want to feel forced, to read footnotes, an extra 100+ pages, of small print. To what end? They have other things to do. They’re not invested in that detail.

_______________

Verdict

I have this opinion:

This publishing style puts the reader on notice, that the book does not observe precision placement of footnote callouts.

And so, notice, that a footnote may not document every assertion in the sentence, the paragraph, the stretch of text, which follows the preceding callout.

Given this style, it seems to me undesirable, nevertheless, to conflate an unsourced assertion into a footnoted sentence, or earlier in its paragraph, even if (as here) the authors did not source it to that footnoted reference.

It’s an avoidable ambiguity.

Not an ambiguity in the text (a clear, unambiguous, assertion, in this example), but an ambiguity in the source.

It inconveniences a reader, who wants to know more about one of the compound assertions, but not the other.

If s/he knew a source didn’t pertain to what s/he wanted to know more about, then s/he wouldn’t have the bother, and the disappointment, of checking it, to no avail.

And if s/he doesn’t have access to the source, or ready access, then s/he can suffer anxiety, distraction, interruption, bother, wondering what it says, investigating how to locate it, maybe buying the source, or a copy of it, an affliction, inflicted by the authors, on that reader, unnecessarily.

It’s not polite, to inconvenience readers.

Especially, when they pay you money.

But, it’s not polite either, to abuse somebody, for an imperfection.

And, much more than not polite.

It’s reprehensible.

If that were our ethic, we’d be in for a big dose, all of us, of continuous self-abuse.

And much more too.

In fear of abuse, we would run no risk, accept no challenge, tackle no problem, pursue no dream.

Explore not.

Ask not.

Seek not.

And find not.

Shall we disengage, from troublesome issues, abandon the field, to elites and bullies, retreat home, tend our defenses, distract ourselves, with mindless pursuits, decline, when justice beckons, begs us, to speak?

No.

Our nature, our salvation, our destiny, is to take the field, engage our elites, reform them, dismiss them, face-down our bullies, speak when beckoned.

Sow our values, nurture them, tend them, harvest them, distribute their fruits.

And defend them.

Yes, that sentence might be better split into two.

Not for the sake of the sentence, which is better as it’s written.

But for the sake of our bothered reader (if any), our investigator, who seeks one source but not the other.

And yes, they’re batting nearly 1000.

One accurate footnote, to one accurate sentence, with one ambiguous callout, in obedience to a callout convention (don’t put it in the middle of a sentence).

In a book with 1,399 footnotes.

That’s 999.285.

In baseball language (1398/1399*1000).

And, they earned an asterisk: They got a hit, with that footnote, they got on base, they scored a run. But they didn’t get credit for it. The scorekeepers ruled it a ‘base on error,’ on account of an ambiguity, not in the text, not in the footnote, but where the footnote’s callout sat, watching the action. They protested. They said it wasn’t fair, they sat that callout down, right where the rule said it should be. But the umpire, he was unmoved. “Yes, that’s true,” he said. “But, there is no rule, which says, you have to put all those words together, in one sentence.” They stood mute, they stared at the umpire, then they turned, and walked away.

999.285.

And, with a boost, from a positive asterisk.

As close as you can get, without actually being there.

But it’s not perfect.

It’s better than perfect.

It invests the public.

And that serves their goal:—

Not to write the perfect book, but:—

Provoke the perfect storm.

News, controversy, discussion, argument.

Space, forums, contenders, audience.

For elaboration.

Their imperfections, they brighten the light, turn up the volume, attract attention, to their message.

This message:

There’s a catastrophe, and a simple solution.

999.285.

A mighty accomplishment.

On a new frontier.

Back in the locker room, they looked at each other.

And smiled.

 

Martin Kramer’s abusive libel

Defamation League
Martin Kramer
Ken Stein

Now, we come to Martin Kramer’s incendiary, defamatory, libelous, claim, a prima facie actionable defamation (a malicious or reckless lie), crossing a bright line to the dark side, beyond debate, beyond cavil, beyond sophistry, beyond protection of the U.S. constitution, its free speech privilege:

That the location of this footnote callout, at the end of the sentence, is not merely ambiguous, or even undesirable (as may be), but might well be “dishonest,” a purposeful intention to trick and deceive readers.

That’s a big leap.

And Martin Kramer fell flat on his face.

Ker-Plop!

What Mearsheimer and Walt said is true.

And so they did not trick and deceive their readers.

Dishonesty is not the possibility, Martin Kramer claims it to be.

Instead, it’s an impossibility.

What Martin Kramer asserts might be true:—

It cannot be true.

As we’re discussing it, why didn’t they footnote this assertion?

May be, other of their footnotes document it, or examples of it, but if not:—

Footnoted books do not footnote every assertion, especially common knowledge, like this assertion (“much of this unpopularity stems from the Palestinian issue”), the assertion Martin Kramer challenges.

When all but “a handful of people” believe something, when people “are nearly unanimous in their view,” when “substantial majorities of opinion leaders in every region except Eastern Europe/Russia believe,” when “roughly eight-in-ten believe”:—

That sounds to me like common knowledge, that all those people say they believe, what they say they believe.

And Martin Kramer surely knows it, because he’s an expert on this very topic.

A prominent voice in the Israel lobby.

Paid to know such facts.

A voice who specializes in the infliction of abuse.

Exactly like this.

Far beyond the pale of legitimate public discourse.

To the cheers of his zealot, Zionist, mob.

Marginalizing himself, his paymasters, his handlers, his promoters, his publishers, his cheerleaders, his chorus, his choir, and his thuggish mob, from decent society.

The assertion Martin Kramer challenges is widely documented, in the public domain, by the mainstream media, reporting these surveys, and endless confirming statements by foreigners, leaders, commentators, and an exceedingly large number of vox pops.

May be, the authors, the editor, judged it pedantic to footnote, too much effort, too much space, to fully document the obvious, that the 800-pound gorilla is exactly what it looks like.

Books have manufacturing costs, readers have intelligence, finite patience, and so triage is called for, judgment, to document the essential, the unfamiliar, not every last detail.

But may be, this is a mistake. May be, the authors wanted to document that assertion (both assertions). May be, they thought they had done, but misrecollected what this particular Pew survey did not state, and they didn’t recheck it. They cited the earlier Pew survey (2001) in their pre-book working paper (March 2006) (page 6 footnote 18, page 45 endnotes), but not in their book.

If they didn’t want to document it, then may be, they should have made a separate sentence of it.

If their sentence is imperfect, then it’s due to the compound form of it, not its substance. A compound assertion not fully sourced in the footnote.

Many imperfections in life can be discovered, and cured, with enough time, enough effort, enough money.

But life is a compromise, a continuous negotiation: How to get the most of what you want, do the most of what you need to do, in all spheres of your life, with the time, effort, money available.

Imperfection is part of nearly all we do.

Martin Kramer’s abusive word — “incompetence” — does not accurately describe this imperfection (if such it be).

Their footnoted text is accurate.

Their footnote text is accurate.

Repositioning the footnote callout, this would not alter the truth of what they said.

Splitting the sentence into two, this would not alter the truth of what they said.

Adding additional text to the footnote, this would not alter the truth of what they said, merely document it further.

_______________

Questions for Martin Kramer

Now, let’s direct Martin Kramer’s questions to Martin Kramer, his attack on Mearsheimer and Walt.

First, is Martin Kramer “intellectually dishonest”?

This is an easy question.

Martin Kramer is dishonest, if he made a material assertion of fact he knew or believed is untrue.

Secondly, is Martin Kramer “academically incompetent”?

This too is an easy question.

Martin Kramer is incompetent, if he’s reckless, if he made a material assertion of fact without first making a reasonable effort to determine if it’s true.

_______________

Questions for Pew

Finally, let’s direct Martin Kramer’s questions to the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press.

First, is the Pew Research Center “intellectually dishonest”?

This is an easy question.

The Pew Research Center is dishonest, if the last paragraph of this, their assertion, is materially misleading:

“ The Pew Global Attitudes Project is co-chaired by former U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright, currently Principal, the Albright Group LLC in Washington, DC, and former Senator John C. Danforth, currently Partner, Bryan Cave LLP in St. Louis, MO.

The project is directed by Andrew Kohut, president of the Pew Research Center, a nonpartisan “fact tank” in Washington, DC, that provides information on the issues, attitudes and trends shaping America and the world.

The project is principally funded by The Pew Charitable Trusts. The William and Flora Hewlett Foundation provided a supplemental grant for the 2002 survey.”

And, The Pew Research Center is also dishonest, if they shaped their survey questions or methods, to conceal relevant results their paymasters desired to conceal, or produce results their paymasters desired.

Charles Judson Harwood Jr.
Dec. 18/31, Jan. 12 2008

John Mearsheimer (Chicago), Bruce Feiler (Brooklyn), conversation, “Debating the Israel Lobby” (BloggingHeads.tv, recorded Wednesday November 28 2007, posted Thursday December 27 2007) (details/links posted at the recorded date).

____________________

New York TimesBestsellers,” “Hardcover Nonfiction”:

•• 6 weeks: The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy, by John J. Mearsheimer, Stephen M. Walt (Farrar, Straus and Giroux, published Tuesday September 4 2007) (Sunday editions, week:rank): September 16 (1:17), September 23 (2:12), September 30 2007 (3:18), October 7 (4:24), October 14 (5:20), October 21 (6:absent), October 28 (7:30).

Mearsheimer and Walt, their book, The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy, was on the “New York Times Bestsellers” list for 6 weeks and was a “New York Times Bestseller” for 1 week.

•• 15 weeks: Palestine Peace Not Apartheid, by Jimmy Carter (Simon & Schuster, published Wednesday November 15 2006) (Sunday editions, week:rank): December 3 2006 (1:11), December 10 (2:17), December 17 (3:7), December 24 (4:5), December 31 (5:5), January 7 2007 (6:5), January 14 (7:5), January 21 (8:6), January 28 (9:5), February 4 (10:6*), February 11 (11:2), February 18 (12:3), February 25 (13:3), March 4 (14:9*), March 11 (15:11), March 18 (16:11), March 25 (17:17), April 1 (18:22), April 8 (19:35). Notes: “An asterisk (*) indicates that a book’s sales are barely distinguishable from those of the book above”. “The exact methodology used in creating the list is classified as a trade secret.”

In New York Times speak, “bestsellers” are the 15 top-selling books of the 35 it lists, the remaining 20 it labels “also selling.”

Jimmy Carter’s book, Palestine Peace Not Apartheid, was on the “New York Times Bestsellers” list for 19 consecutive weeks and was a “New York Times Bestseller” for 15 weeks. His book “debuted” at 11, dropped out of the top-15 the second week (at 17), rejoined the “bestsellers” for the next 14 consecutive weeks, and then remained on the list afterwards, “also selling,” for the next 3 weeks.

January 2008

 

 

This document is not copyrighted and may be freely copied.

CJHjr

Charles Judson Harwood Jr.

Posted Oct. 13 2006. Updated May 29 2009.

http://homepage.ntlworld.com/jksonc/docs/israel-lobby-200712.html

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