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Iran: Uranium enrichment See Tony lie
Sources: 2001, 2002, 2003, 2004, 2005, 2006, 2007
Jimmy Carter’s book and interviews: 2006, 2007.
by Charles Judson Harwood Jr.
The French philosopher René Decartes said:—
“I think. Therefore I am.”
For the Americans, it’s:—
“I destroy. Therefore I am.”
Ali Larijani, April 17 2006
Related Pages
• Iran uranium timeline
• Congress committees
• Congress resolutions, War power
• IAEA, Security Council
• Analysis
• Israel
• John Bolton
• IR655
• Iraq wmd war timeline
• John Bolton (under secretary of state for arms control and international security (T), DoS: U.S. State Department), assertion, “Biological Weapons Convention: Remarks to the 5th Biological Weapons Convention RevCon Meeting” {copy} (Geneva November 19 2001), reported, “US warning on Iraq bio-weapons” (BBC News, November 19 2001, 3:05 p.m.), Jim Fish, “This is not the first time the United States have named Iraq as a potential user of biological weapons” (BBC News, November 19 2001), video {1:34}.
• Samir K. K. Al-Nima (Iraq Permanent Representative, U.N. Geneva Office, Ambassador to the Fifth Review Conference of the Biological Weapons Convention), reply to the U.S. Statement (Geneva November 19 2001), reported, “Fifth Review Conference of the States Parties to the Biological Weapons Convention Continues General Debate” {99kb.pdf} (UNOG press release 1, November 19 2001).
• Ali Asghar Soltanieh (Iran Deputy Permanent Representative, U.N. Geneva Office, Ambassador to the Fifth Review Conference of the Biological Weapons Convention), “Reply of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the U.S. Statement (19 November 2001)” {8kb.pdf} (Geneva November 19 2001), reported, “Fifth Review Conference of the States Parties to the Biological Weapons Convention Continues General Debate” {99kb.pdf} (UNOG: United Nations Office Geneva, press release 1, November 19 2001).
John Bolton: Iraq’s biological weapons program remains a serious threat to international security.
After signing the BWC in 1972, Iraq developed, produced, and stockpiled biological warfare agents and weapons, and continued this activity even after ratifying the BWC in 1991.
Despite the obligation to fully disclose and destroy its BW program, which the UN Security Council required to conclude the Gulf War, Iraq denied having a BW program and pursued a policy of obstruction, denial and evasion to conceal its program. Only under increased pressure from UNSCOM and the looming defection of one of Iraq’s weapons directors did Baghdad admit the existence of its offensive BW program.
Baghdad unilaterally ended UNSCOM weapons inspections and monitoring in Iraq in December 1998. Even with unprecedented intrusiveness, UNSCOM, when faced with a nation dedicated to deception and concealment, unfortunately could not fully dismantle Iraq’s BW program. Its successor, UNMOVIC, is prepared to resume on-site activities in Iraq, but Saddam Hussein’s continued belligerence prevents it from so doing.
The United States strongly suspects that Iraq has taken advantage of three years of no UN inspections to improve all phases of its offensive BW program.
The existence of Iraq’s program is beyond dispute, in complete contravention of the BWC.
* * *
We are also quite concerned about Iran.
Which the United States believes probably has produced and weaponized BW agents in violation of the Convention.
____________________
Query: “Looming defection”?
So Hussein Kamal (Hussein Kamel) announced.
He was going to defect.
And his looming defection pressured Iraq.
To disclose their destroyed biological weapons program (July 1 1995).
A month before he actually defected (August 8 1995).
Pathetic.
(After the defection, Iraq disclosed they had produced actual bio-weapons).
Iraq ratified the Biological Weapons Convention on June 19 1991, and did not, after that date, “develop, produce, and stockpile biological warfare agents and weapons.”
Contrary to the unequivocal assertion.
Of an unassailable fact.
By John Bolton.
A compulsive, brazen, liar.
Iraq destroyed its biological weapons program in the summer of 1991, before the biological weapons inspectors first arrived in Iraq. And so, Iraq no longer had a BW program for the inspectors to dismantle.
This was a violation of S/Res/687 (April 3 1991) {32kb.pdf, copy, copy, via this, this, or ODS}, which required Iraq to disclose the program and let the inspectors supervise the destruction.
Iraq did not want to admit they ever had such weapons.
They informed the inspectors, on August 2 1991, that they had conducted “biological research activities for defensive military purposes.”
In addition to other items accounted for, Iraq later declared, they had filled 157 aerial bombs (designated “R-400,” each containing 90 liters of liquid) and, in the summer of 1991, killed the biological agents with chemicals, piled them in a pit at Al-Aziziyah (Al-Azzizziyah) with explosives and diesel fuel, detonated and burned the pit, and then buried the debris. They also declared they deactivated the contents of a tank of anthrax, which had not been loaded into bombs, and dumped it at another site (Al-Hakam).
UNSCOM supervised a test excavation at Al-Aziziyah, on February 14-15 1997, recovering 3 intact R-400 bombs (photo), testing positive for botulinum toxin, and fragments of 21 others (24 total). They were frightened to excavate the whole site, fearing unexploded munitions. (source).
Iraq was busy, excavating the rest of the site (February 19 to March 16 2003), to show Hans Blix’s weapons inspectors, when George W. Bush attacked Iraq (March 20 2003).
Alarmed, presumably, that Iraq was on the verge of proving, conclusively, they had destroyed the weapons, undermining George W. Bush’s asserted pretext for war.
By the time of the attack, they had excavated 104 more bombs (128 total), 8 still intact, the rest fragments. Hans Blix’s team tested the liquid contents of 2 of the intact bombs, finding DNA fragments of the anthrax bacteria, and the chemicals used to kill them.
See, Hans Blix (Executive Chairman, UNMOVIC), Thirteenth Quarterly Report of the Executive Chairman of UNMOVIC (U.N. Doc. S/2003/580, May 30 2003) {282kb.pdf, copy, also via this, and ODS}, quoted here.
–CJHjr
____________________
Samir K. K. Al-Nima (Iraq) (as reported): Speaking in a right of reply, accused the United States of using double standards in naming countries that had allegedly violated the provisions of the Convention. The United States had only mentioned Arab Muslim countries and had disregarded the violations of some other countries, namely Israel.
Mr. Al-Nima clarified that Iraq had fulfilled its obligations under Section C, Resolution 687, not to acquire weapons of mass destruction.
He also stated that Iraq had destroyed all weapons of mass destruction.
Iraq further elaborated on its compliance with UNSCOM measures. UNSCOM had withdrawn on the advice of the United States before bombing attacks on Iraq in 1998.
Iraq, therefore, denied the allegations made by the United States.
____________________
Ali-Asghar Soltanieh (Iran): Mr. President.
Exercising my right of reply, according Rule 19 of the Rule and Procedures.
I would like to give the following response to the statement made by U.S. delegation in morning session:
The allegation made against my country is baseless and I hereby categorically reject it.
Islamic Republic of Iran is party to all treaties related to the weapons of mass destruction, that is, the NPT, CWC and BWC.
My country has fully cooperated with the relevant organizations namely the IAEA and the OPCW. As far as we are concerned with the BWC, my delegation has been one of the most active delegation during the past decade, specially in the Ad Hoc Group Negotiation.
Islamic Republic of Iran has voluntarily submitted detailed information on biological activities through the Confidence Building Measure (CBM).
Mr. President.
We are of the belief that these kind of allegations by one state party against other state party will cause confrontation instead of cooperation and may lead the conference to total failure.
Bearing in mind the unjustified position of the U.S. during the 24th session of the Ad Hoc Group which caused the failure of that session, one could conclude that U.S. has the intention of leading this conference to a dead lock and failure.
U.S. is not in favour of multilateralism. The unfortunate fate of the CTBT, ABM, and the Kyoto Protocol are examples of the dangerous mentality of the U.S. administration which definitely increase armament and the threat against global peace and security.
Proposals such as the NMD, and the unilateral approach as a substitute for the BWC protocol proves this school of thoughts.
In order to prove the double standard and dishonesty of the U.S. in dealing with such delicate issues, I have to draw your kind attention to the fact the Israel is fully supported by U.S., in spite of its clandestine activities, and not joining the essential treaties, namely, BWC, CWC, NPT, and ignoring totally the IAEA’s safeguards.
My country, as the main victim of the weapons of mass destruction, has serious concerns about the U.S. violation the provisions of the BWC, by transferring deadly agents to Israel, and other allies, as well as conduction of research and development, in the area of biological weapons. I refer you to the New York Times dated 5th September 2001 in this regard.
I have to remind, the U.S. delegation was the only one trying to dilute the verification provisions. U.S. has tried to have free hand, refraining from receiving any international inspectors. The U.S. congress reservation on the LWL challenge inspection, which is clear violation, proves this claim.
Mr. President.
Immediately after the U.S. statement at the 24th Session of the Ad Hoc Group, the spokesman of the White House announced, the United States has decided to reject the Protocol, since Iran is supporting it.
I wonder if U.S. will withdraw from the BWC, since Islamic Republic of Iran is strongly supporting it
Mr. President.
I express my regret that such actions and the legitimate reactions would put the spirit of cooperation in jeopardy. I therefore advise the U.S. delegation to refrain from such premature behavior accusing other member state in this family group which we are expected to strengthen our convention.
Instead, I recommend it to put pressure on non-state parties to join the Convention.
I thank you Mr. Chairman.
• NCRI: National Council of Resistance of Iran, Foreign Affairs Committee (press conference, Washington D.C., August 14 2002), reported, “Iranian Resistance Exposes Mullahs’ Top Secret Nuclear Sites and Weapons of Mass Destruction Projects” {14kb.pdf} (Iran Liberation, “News Bulletin of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the National Council of Resistance of Iran, Special Issue,” August 19 2002). UPI (Washington D.C., August 14 2002): “Alireza Jafarzadeh, spokesman for the National Council of Resistance of Iran, said Wednesday that two massive facilities were under construction in Iran that would be involved in the production of weapons-grade nuclear fuel. The facilities, he said, had been kept hidden from the International Atomic Energy Agency.” John J. Lumpkin, “Iran's Nuclear Weapons Program Growing At Secret Sites, Rebel Group Alleges” {copy} (Associated Press, August 14 2002): “U.S. officials ... acknowledged that Iran is moving forward with its clandestine nuclear weapons program.”
• Reza Aghazadeh (Iran Vice-President; President, AEOI: Atomic Energy Organization of Iran), statement (IAEA 46th General Conference, IAEA headquarters, Vienna, September 16 2002) {14kb.pdf}.
Iran is embarking on a long-term plan, based on the merits of energy mix, to construct nuclear power plants with a total capacity of 6000 MW {megawatts} within two decades.
Naturally, such a sizeable project entails with it an all out planning, well in advance, in various fields of nuclear technology such as fuel cycle, safety and waste management.
I take this opportunity to invite all the technologically advanced member States to participate in my country’s ambitious plan for the construction of nuclear power plants and the associated technologies such as fuel cycle, safety and waste management techniques.
• George W. Bush (U.S. President, Jan. 20 2001-2009 Jan. 20), “Statement by the President” {pf} (written “signing statement,” dated White House, October 16 2002), retitled, “Statement on Signing the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution of 2002,” 38:42 WCPD 1779 {4kb.txt, 37kb.pdf, copy} {SuDoc: AE 2.109:38/42} (claiming legal authority, without consent of Congress, to order the U.S. military, CIA, paramilitary, and private contractors, “to use force to deter ... threats to U.S. interests”), concerning H.J. Res. 114 (U.S. Congress 107-2), Public Law 107-243, 116 Stat. 1498-1502 (October 16 2002) {15kb.txt, 36kb.pdf}, not mentioned in “President Signs Iraq Resolution” {pf} (White House, East Room, October 16 2002, 11:17-11:30 a.m.), video {14:28}, audio {13:32}, retitled, “Remarks on Signing the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution of 2002,” 38:42 WCPD 1777-1779 {10kb.txt, 44kb.pdf, copy} {SuDoc: AE 2.109:38/42}.
George W. Bush: I sought an additional resolution of support from the Congress to use force against Iraq, should force become necessary.
While I appreciate receiving that support, my request for it did not, and my signing this resolution does not, constitute any change in the long-standing positions of the executive branch on either the President’s constitutional authority to use force to deter, prevent, or respond to aggression or other threats to U.S. interests or on the constitutionality of the War Powers Resolution.
____________________
Query: “U.S. interests”?
“U.S. interests” is code for Israel.
And code for anything else a President’s whimsy may inspire his fancy to assert.
Contrary to this false assertion of fact, by George W. Bush, no U.S. President has ever made this claim, of legal authority, without consent of Congress (which the U.S. constitution requires), to initiate an offensive war, on these or any other grounds, as annotated, linked, and challenged here.
U.S. Presidents do not have legal authority to amend the U.S. constitution, by making bold claims.
–CJHjr
• IAEA’s first inspection at Natanz, of the two enrichment facilities under construction there (Natanz Iran, February 21-22 2003), reported, Mohamed ElBaradei (IAEA director general), Report to the IAEA Board of Governors, Implementation of the NPT Safeguards Agreement in the Islamic Republic of Iran (IAEA Doc. GOV/2003/40, 6 June 2003, derestricted 19 June 2003) {46.5kb.pdf}, pages 1-2, ¶¶ 2-6:
Mohamed ElBaradei: 2. At the September 2002 regular session of the IAEA General Conference, Vice President of the Islamic Republic of Iran and President of the Atomic Energy Organization of Iran (AEOI), H.E. Mr. R. Aghazadeh, stated that Iran was “embarking on a long-term plan to construct nuclear power plants with a total capacity of 6000 MW within two decades.” He also stated that such a sizeable project entailed “an all out planning, well in advance, in various field of nuclear technology such as fuel cycle, safety and waste management.”
3. During the General Conference, the director general met with the Vice President, and asked that Iran confirm whether it was building a large underground nuclear related facility at Natanz and a heavy water production plant at Arak, as reported in the media in August 2002.
The Vice President provided some information on Iran’s intentions to develop further its nuclear fuel cycle, and agreed on a visit to the two sites later in 2002 by the director general, accompanied by safeguards experts, and to a discussion with Iranian authorities during that meeting on Iran’s nuclear development plans.
4. The visit to Iran was originally scheduled for October 2002, but finally took place from 21 to 22 February 2003. The director general was accompanied by the Deputy director general for Safeguards (DDG-SG) and the Director of the Division of Safeguards Operations (B).
5. During his visit, the director general was informed by Iran of its uranium enrichment programme, which was described as including two new facilities located at Natanz, namely a pilot fuel enrichment plant (PFEP) nearing completion of construction, and a large commercial-scale fuel enrichment plant (FEP) also under construction.
These two facilities were declared to the Agency for the first time during that visit, at which time the director general was able to visit both of them.
Iran also confirmed that the heavy water production plant 3, referred to in paragraph 3 above, was under construction in Arak.
_______
3 Heavy water production facilities are not nuclear facilities under comprehensive NPT safeguards agreements, and are thus not required to be declared to the Agency thereunder.
_______
6. During the visit, the director general was informed that Iran would accept modifications to its Subsidiary Arrangements, as requested by the Board of Governors in 1992, which would henceforth require the early provision of design information on new facilities and on modifications to existing facilities, as well as the early provision of information on new locations outside of facilities where nuclear material is customarily used (LOFs). This was confirmed to the Agency in a letter dated 26 February 2003 (see paragraph 15 below).
* * *
8. During the discussions in Iran in February between DDG-SG and the Iranian authorities, reference was made by the Agency to information in open sources on the possible conduct of enrichment activities at the workshop of the Kalaye Electric Company in Tehran.
The Iranian authorities acknowledged that the workshop had been used for the production of centrifuge components, but stated that there had been no operations in connection with its centrifuge enrichment development programme involving the use of nuclear material, either at the Kalaye Electric Company or at any other location in Iran.
According to the Iranian authorities, all testing had been carried out using simulation studies.
While a centrifuge component production facility is not a nuclear facility required to be declared to the Agency under Iran’s NPT Safeguards Agreement, Iran was requested, in light of its stated policy of transparency, to permit the Agency to visit the workshop and to take environmental samples there to assist the Agency in verifying Iran’s declaration and confirming the absence of undeclared nuclear material and activities.
* * *
15. The Subsidiary Arrangements General Part in force with Iran from 1976 to 26 February 2003 included what was, until 1992, standard text which called for provision to the Agency of design information on a new facility no later than 180 days before the introduction of nuclear material into the facility, and the provision of information on a new LOF together with the report relating to the receipt of nuclear material at the LOF.
With the acceptance by Iran on 26 February 2003 of the modifications to the Subsidiary Arrangements proposed by the Agency, the Subsidiary Arrangements General Part now requires Iran to inform the Agency of new nuclear facilities and modifications to existing facilities through the provision of preliminary design information as soon as the decision to construct, to authorize construction or to modify has been taken, and to provide the Agency with further design information as it is developed.
Information is to be provided early in the project definition, preliminary design, construction and commissioning phases.
____________________
Query: “Hidden”? “Weapons”?
So.
What of the hysterical claims.
Of the NCRI.
A U.S.-designated terrorist organization.
Advocating overthrow of the Iranian Government.
And the hysterical claim.
By the unnamed U.S. officials.
Doubtless, the liars John Bolton & Co.
(See John lie).
The three facilities they disclosed.
Were not “hidden.”
Because Iran had no legal obligation.
To disclose them.
At that early stage.
These were construction projects.
Not operating enrichment facilities.
These construction sites contained.
No nuclear material.
As for Arak.
That plant.
Also under construction.
Is not a “nuclear facility.”
Hence Iran had no obligation to report it.
Finally.
There is no evidence.
Any of these facilities.
Has anything to do with nuclear weapons.
In sum.
The hysterical war-mongers.
And the lying U.S. officials.
They’re batting: zero.
Iran?
They’re batting 100%.
Iran did not report import in 1990 of nuclear material for experiments.
This was declared by the IAEA Director-General to be a violation of a reporting provision of Iran’s Safeguards Agreement.
But the Director-General is mistaken.
And being a lawyer, he should know better.
It’s only a prima facie violation.
If Iran has a legal defense, for not reporting, then its failure to report is lawful.
And the violation of its Safeguards Agreement is justified and lawful.
Iran has an iron-clad defense.
To the intensive, extensive, NPT treaty violations, by the United States, and its large cabal of complicit countries.
If all that material, which Iran imported and did not report, were enriched to the maximum, in a world-class enrichment plant, it would produce “0.13 effective kilograms of uranium” (footnote 6, page 7, IAEA Doc. GOV/2003/40, linked above).
An “effective kilogram of uranium:” “In the case of uranium with an enrichment below 0.01 (1%) and above 0.005 (0.5%), its weight in kilograms multiplied by 0.0001.” IAEA Doc. INFCIRC/66/Rev.2, 16 September 1968, ¶ 72(c).
About 60 kilograms, enriched to 90%, is needed for one uranium bomb.
(The Hiroshima uranium bomb contained 64.1 kilograms of 80% enriched uranium).
If they wanted to make a bomb.
They would have to repeat that import.
461 more times.
And.
Have a world-class enrichment plant.
To process it.
All in secret.
From the IAEA.
–CJHjr
• John Bolton (under secretary of state for arms control and international security (T), DoS: U.S. State Department), interviewed by Kirsty Wark (BBC 2 TV, Newsnight, June 19 2003, 10:30 p.m.) {BBCcat d:andx012h}, video {6:30}, BBC transcript.
John Bolton: The fact is,
The Iranians are pursuing nuclear weapons.
And that makes them a danger,
To the region,
And the world as a whole.
So, today’s Chairman’s summary, at the IAEA, is an important first step, in the IAEA’s decision-making progress
But we are much more concerned, about what is actually going on, inside Iran.
Kirsty Wark: What evidence do you have,
That they are
Pursuing
Weapons of mass destruction?
John Bolton: The Iranians have activities throughout the nuclear fuel cycle. They have a heavy water production facility, that can only be used for a heavy water-reactor, which is a fast way to breed plutonium. They’re mining uranium. They only have one nuclear power plant. The Russians are going to supply all of the fuel, so there is no reason to be engaged in any of the rest of this activity.
Kirsty Wark: But.
What if they do sign up to the statement.
And allow the additional protocol.
What then?
If they allow that access,
What will you do?
John Bolton: I think, if they truly sign and fully implement the additional protocol, and give the IAEA inspectors complete, unimpeded access, we will simply see further proof, that,
They’re pursuing nuclear weapons.
Kirsty Wark: And then?
John Bolton: Then, I think, it would be up to the IAEA board, to refer the matter to the Security Council, and for the United States, the other nuclear weapons states, to take action.
Kirsty Wark: What kind of action?
John Bolton: I think, some of the things we are doing right now.
To deny the Iranians access, to the technology they need, throughout their nuclear fuel cycle.
And to alert people, that,
They are pursuing nuclear weapons.
Kirsty Wark: So.
Just to be quite clear about this.
No matter,
Whether or not,
The Iranians allow additional access,
And additional inspections,
As far as you are concerned,
If those inspections yield nothing,
They are still on the axis of evil.
John Bolton: The information we have, about which we have a high degree of confidence, is that,
The Iranians are pursuing nuclear weapons.
And, I might say, they are also pursuing a vigorous program in ballistic missiles, increasing the range that they have, in making themselves a broader and broader problem.
Kirsty Wark: So.
Is there a possibility, that you would take military action, in Iran, if necessary?
John Bolton: No.
The obvious intent here, is to get a peaceful solution,
To the problem.
But the problem is,
The Iranian nuclear weapons program.
Kirsty Wark: But.
Do you rule out military intervention.
John Bolton: We are nowhere close to even considering that.
But.
All options are obviously on the table.
As the President has said repeatedly.
And there must be.
To provide a strong deterrent,
To those who might otherwise seek nuclear weapons.
Kirsty Wark: But when you use language like,
“They definitely have weapons of mass destruction”—
John Bolton: No.
I said,
They’re definitely pursuing
A nuclear weapons program.
We judge, at this point, they don’t have the weapons.
But.
They are actively pursuing them.
Kirsty Wark: But if, in your judgement, in the United States judgement, they continue this pursuit, and show no signs of agreeing to your demands.
And if, indeed, you think they are going to still be supplied with the parts for this program.
How do you stop them?
John Bolton: Well, one thing that we have already begun, based on the President’s speech in Krakow, Poland on May 31st—
The Proliferation Security Initiative—
Is to begin to interdict
Shipments of components, for a nuclear weapons program,
At sea.
In the air.
And on land.
We are working on that right now.
We had a meeting in Madrid last week with ten other countries, all of which signed up to the idea of going after weapons of mass destruction shipments in international commerce.
Kirsty Wark: You can see, how, to some people, this sounds belligerent.
It sounds as if, you are preparing the ground, for possible military intervention.
John Bolton: Well, I think—
The first thing you have to keep in mind, is that nuclear weapons are very dangerous.
And countries that possess nuclear weapons
And countries that possess ballistic missiles
Have the ability to blackmail the rest of us
And work their will
In a way, that we simply cannot find acceptable.
The choice, in this case, is for Iran.
Iran can adhere to its international treaty obligations.
And give up
The pursuit of nuclear weapons.
And then,
It would be accepted back
Into the international community.
Kirsty Wark: Is the American goal,
Regime-change in Iran?
John Bolton: The American goal — on what I work on — is the elimination of
Iran’s nuclear weapons program.
I think, the President has spoken very eloquently, to the importance of true democracy coming to Iran, of having the people there having a real chance to live in freedom.
What I’m concerned about.
And what I’m focused on.
And what the IAEA, today, took a very important step toward.
Is stopping
The Iranian nuclear weapons program.
Kirsty Wark: But if, in the end—
And it may be a very long way down the road—
Then military action was considered—
In Iraq, at the moment,
America is losing at least a soldier a day.
There’s no sign of soldiers coming home.
Is there an appetite, for continuing in Iraq.
Never mind the possibility, of starting a further military campaign, in Iran?
John Bolton: I think, in Iraq, our objective is quite clear. That is to turn responsibility for governing the country over to Iraqis as soon as possible. It was never our intention to have a long occupation. We are not an imperialist power. What we were after was the elimination of Saddam Hussein’s regime, and the elimination of Iraq’s WMD program. We are well on the way, on both of those. The burden is on us to give authority back to the Iraqi people. But we start from a very low base, decades of Ba'ath Party totalitarianism. So it’s not for want of desiring, to get authority back into the hands of the Iraqi people, that this is taking longer than we expected. But we are working as best as we can, under the circumstances.
Kirsty Wark: But, briefly,
Would there be an appetite
For further military intervention
By Americans
In another country?
John Bolton: Americans don’t have an appetite
For any military intervention.
What we seek, though, is the elimination of weapons programs, that threaten us, and our friends, and allies.
Kirsty Wark: John Bolton,
Thank you very much.
• Ahmed Chalabi, John Bolton, interviewed by John Humphrys (BBC Radio 4, Today, London, Friday June 20 2003, 6-9am at 8:44-8:55 a.m.) {BBCcat 90sx1443}, audio {11:20 (Chalabi), at 4:44 (Bolton, Iraq), 8:11 (Bolton, Iran)}.
• John Bolton, interviewed by Kirsty Lang (BBC World, June 20 2003, 8:00 p.m. GMT), BBC video {7:58, reported}.
• Iran’s first enrichment experiment, under IAEA safeguards (PFEP: Pilot Fuel Enrichment Plant, Natanz Iran, June 25 2003), reported, Mohamed ElBaradei (IAEA director general), Report to the IAEA Board of Governors, Implementation of the NPT Safeguards Agreement in the Islamic Republic of Iran (IAEA Doc. GOV/2003/63, 26 August 2003, derestricted 12 September 2003) {50kb.pdf}, page 7, ¶¶ 33-35:
Mohamed ElBaradei: 33. On 25 June 2003, Iran introduced UF6 {uranium hexafloride gas} into the first centrifuge for the purpose of single machine testing, and on 19 August 2003 began the testing of a small ten-machine cascade with UF6.
Iran continues to co-operate with the Agency in implementing safeguards measures now in place at PFEP for monitoring single machine and small cascade testing.
34. In accordance with its standard practice, the Agency took baseline environmental samples at PFEP at Natanz before nuclear material was introduced in the facility.
This baseline sampling campaign was conducted during inspections carried out between March and June 2003, and samples were taken at many locations within the facility.
While the Agency has already received the results from some of the samples (see below), which have been provided to Iran, other samples are still being analysed by a number of laboratories that participate in the Agency’s Network of Analytical Laboratories.
35. Iran has stated that it has not carried out any enrichment and that no nuclear material was introduced to the PFEP prior to the Agency’s having taken its first baseline environmental samples there.
• Jack Straw (U.K. Foreign Secretary), interviewed by John Humphrys (BBC Radio 4, Today, London, Monday June 30 2003, 6-9 at 7:49-7:57 a.m.) {BBCcat 90sx7210}, audio {8:02}, FCO transcript {pf, source}.
John Humphrys: The Foreign Secretary, Jack Straw, is in Iran.
I spoke to him, a few hours ago.
I asked him first,
If he thinks,
They really are
Developing nuclear weapons.
Jack Straw: The answer is,
Nobody knows
For certain.
Because the Iranians have so far refused effective, intrusive, inspections, of the kind now proposed by the International Atomic Energy Agency.
So what we, in concert with everybody else in the international community, are proposing is, that they have to sign up to what’s called an additional protocol, which provides for these more intrusive inspections.
• Ali Akbar Salehi (Iran IAEA Ambassador), letter dated August 24 2003 to the IAEA Director-General, omitted from the IAEA website, reported, Mohamed ElBaradei (IAEA director general), Report to the IAEA Board of Governors, Implementation of the NPT Safeguards Agreement in the Islamic Republic of Iran (IAEA Doc. GOV/2003/63, 26 August 2003, derestricted 12 September 2003) {50kb.pdf}, page 3, ¶ 11:
Mohamed ElBaradei: 11. In a letter dated 24 August 2003, the Resident Representative of Iran to the Agency informed the director general that Iran was
“prepared to begin negotiation with the [IAEA] on the Additional Protocol”
and expressed the hope that, “in this negotiation the concerns of [Iran] and the ambiguities on the Additional Protocol are removed.”
• Mohamed ElBaradei (director general, IAEA), interviewed in Vienna by Tim Sebastian (BBC TV-1, BBC World, BBC News 24, HARDtalk, Friday/Monday August 29/31 2003) {BBCcat anz1758n}, video {24:14, 6.07mb.rm, source, rss, menu, search, search, search, search, rss}, reported, “Mohamed ElBaradei” {pf} (BBC News, August 29 2003).
Tim Sebastian: The facts are.
There has been a pattern.
Of deception and lying.
For years.
Hasn’t there.
From Iran.
Mohamed ElBaradei: The fact that—
They have been working on a program.
For almost 20 years.
The fact that—
They have not been under obligation.
At that time, to inform us.
But the fact also that—
They have not really been fully transparent, in telling us in advance what was going on.
So, we now need—
Tim Sebastian: That’s diplomacy for saying.
They’ve lied.
Consistently.
Haven’t they.
Mohamed ElBaradei: Well.
No.
I’m not saying that.
It would have been easier for us, to complete our job, if we knew what was going on, as early as the mid-80’s, as we now know.
So we now need to go back, 20 years back.
And that’s why it takes some time.
* * *
Tim Sebastian: You went to Iran.
In February. {2003}
And you were treated with a whole list of denials.
From the Iranian authorities.
And assurances.
About peaceful uses of nuclear technology.
But for the first time.
They declared two new facilities.
Didn’t they.
Two nuclear facilities, to you.
That you had missed.
And your agency had missed—
Mohamed ElBaradei: No.
Tim Sebastian: —before.
Mohamed ElBaradei: We have not “missed.”
These are facilities still under construction.
And so they are not really operating facilities.
Tim Sebastian: But you didn’t know they were being built.
Did you.
Mohamed ElBaradei: No, we did not.
And.
They did not have a legal obligation to tell us.
As early as that, as when they started.
Tim Sebastian: But you should have known.
Mohamed ElBaradei: We should have known.
As a matter of transparency.
{i.e., not a legal obligation. –CJHjr}.
And that’s what I told them.
It would have helped, to tell me earlier.
But now we are in full grasp of that situation.
We have sent already 5 to 10 missions already to Iran to look into that.
• Iran, “Agreed Statement at the End of a Visit to the Islamic Republic of Iran by the Foreign Ministers of Britain, France and Germany” {source} (Iran, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Tehran, October 21 2003).
2.1. The Iranian Government has decided to engage in full co-operation with the IAEA to address and resolve through full transparency all requirements and outstanding issues of the Agency and clarify and correct any possible failures and deficiencies within the IAEA.
2.2. To promote confidence with a view to removing existing barriers for co-operation in the nuclear field:
2.2.a. Having received the necessary clarifications, the Iranian Government has decided to sign the IAEA Additional Protocol and commence ratification procedures. As a confirmation of its good intentions the Iranian Government will continue to co-operate with the Agency in accordance with the Protocol in advance of its ratification.
2.2.b. While Iran has a right within the nuclear non-proliferation regime to develop nuclear energy for peaceful purposes it has decided voluntarily to suspend all uranium enrichment and reprocessing activities as defined by the IAEA.
• Hans Blix, interviewed by Nidia Hagström (Head of the English Service) (photo) (Sveriges Radio, SR International, Radio Sweden, November 13 2003), audio {6:41, source}.
• Iran signs the Additional Protocol (IAEA headquarters, Vienna, December 18 2003), reported, “Iran Signs Additional Protocol on Nuclear Safeguards: Signing Ceremony Takes Place at IAEA” (IAEA News, December 18 2003).
Iran has stated that it is acting in accordance with the Protocol’s provisions, pending the Protocol’s formal entry into force.
• George W. Bush (U.S. President, Jan. 20 2001-2009 Jan. 20), “Letter From President Bush to Prime Minister Sharon” {pf} (White House, April 14 2004), 40:16 WCPD 598-600 {8kb.txt, 54kb.pdf, copy}. George W. Bush, “Statement by the President” {pf} (White House, April 14 2004), retitled, “Statement on the Israeli Disengagement Plan and the Middle East Peace Process,” 40:16 WCPD 596-598 {8kb.txt, 55kb.pdf, copy}. George W. Bush, “President Bush Commends Israeli Prime Minister Sharon's Plan” {pf} (White House, Cross Hall, April 14 2004, 1:05-1:29 p.m.), video {23:50}, audio {23:50}, retitled, “The President’s News Conference With Prime Minister Ariel Sharon of Israel,” 40:16 WCPD 592-596 {19kb.txt, 77kb.pdf, copy} {SuDoc: AE 2.109:40/16}.
George W. Bush: As part of a final peace settlement, Israel must have secure and recognized borders, which should emerge from negotiations between the parties in accordance with UNSC Resolutions 242 and 338.
In light of new realities on the ground, including already existing major Israeli populations centers, it is unrealistic to expect that the outcome of final status negotiations will be a full and complete return to the armistice lines of 1949, and all previous efforts to negotiate a two-state solution have reached the same conclusion.
It is realistic to expect that any final status agreement will only be achieved on the basis of mutually agreed changes that reflect these realities.
• David Kay (senior fellow, Potomac Institute for Policy Studies, Washington D.C.), Mohamed Hadi Semati (political scientist, Tehran University; visiting scholar, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Washington D.C.), Leonard Spector (deputy director, Center for Nonproliferation Studies, Monterey Institute of International Studies, Washington D.C.), Scott Peterson (Moscow) (reporter on Iran and the Middle East, Christian Science Monitor), Tom Ashbrook (host), discussion, “Iran's Nuclear Threat” (WBUR, On Point, Boston University, Massachusetts, August 3 2004, 7:00 p.m. ET) (“Boston’s NPR news station”), audio {48:37}.
• Mohamed ElBaradei (director general, IAEA), interviewed in Vienna by Tim Sebastian (BBC World, BBC News 24, HARDtalk, September 30 2004) {BBCcat anz2042b}, video {24:12, 6.05mb.rm, source, rss, menu, search, search, search, search, rss}, reported, “Still time for diplomacy?” (BBC News, September 30 3004).
Tim Sebastian: You’re not pessimistic?
When the chief nuclear negotiator, Hassan Rowhani, says:
“Iran will not accept any obligation regarding the suspension of uranium enrichment.
This demand is not legal.
And does not put any obligation on Iran.”
And you’re saying, “That’s fine.”
Mohamed ElBaradei: No.
I’m saying this is a part of the diplomacy.
Saying it’s not—
Tim Sebastian: But he’s issued a slap in the face.
That’s not—
Mohamed ElBaradei: No.
Tim Sebastian: —“diplomacy.”
Mohamed ElBaradei: It is not—
He’s saying, it’s not a “legal obligation.”
It’s a “confidence building.”
I’m not taking quarrel with that.
It is a confidence building.
Our member states, they say:
It’s a voluntary undertaking.
It’s fine for me.
As long as they abide by their commitment.
To build confidence.
* * *
Tim Sebastian: They have played you so carefully.
Over the last couple of years.
Haven’t they.
The Iranians.
Giving you just enough cooperation, to say:
“Alright. They are cooperating.”
While omitting facts and realities.
That make that cooperation.
Worthless.
Mohamed ElBaradei: No.
Tim Sebastian: Absolutely worthless.
Mohamed ElBaradei: No.
Their cooperation has been very good.
We now understand fully.
The extent and nature of the program.
We have taken a lot of corrective actions.
I am fully—
Tim Sebastian: You might understand it.
But you can’t stop it.
Mohamed ElBaradei: I am—
I think I’m making it very difficult for them to go undeclared, as they have done for two decades.
And we are now—
Tim Sebastian: They’re doing it.
Under your nose, now.
They’re saying,
“Were going to go ahead and do it.”
Mohamed ElBaradei: No.
They are not “doing it under my nose.”
We are fully aware of what they are doing.
What I’m saying is,
We have a sense of urgency.
But.
I am not jumping to conclusions.
* * *
Tim Sebastian: What are you waiting for?
For them to bring a bomb through the front door of your office?
And lay it on your table?
Mohamed ElBaradei: No.
Tim Sebastian: Is that the point when you will believe them?
Mohamed ElBaradei: No.
I am waiting for a full cooperation.
If you look at the last year and a half.
That cooperation has increased.
In nature and extent.
At the beginning
They were giving us completely false stories.
Now.
We are getting access.
To all the sites we want to go.
Including military sites.
We’re getting information.
Sometimes it is slow.
But we are getting the information.
* * *
Mohamed ElBaradei: The question of enriching uranium is not a violation of their treaty commitment.
It’s a question to build confidence.
In light of their past behavior, of undeclared programs.
* * *
Tim Sebastian: These people have acted in a way that can only be understood one way.
Which is.
That they have something serious to hide.
And you’re saying.
That you are not worried.
About the urgency.
Mohamed ElBaradei: I am worried—
Tim Sebastian: I find that hard to believe.
Mohamed ElBaradei: I’m worried about the urgency,
They have said that,
“We have gone underground.
Because we are under sanction.”
We have reported, that they have violated, in breach of their obligation, under the treaty.
But.
I’m not saying—
Because they’ve gone underground.
To import stuff—
Like Libya did.
Like other countries did—
That, immediately,
“This is a nuclear weapons program.”
We have not seen evidence.
Of a nuclear weapon program.
In the sense, that we have not seen any material diverted toward a weapon program.
They have been told that,
“You can not use nuclear technology.”
They are saying,
“We were forced to go underground.”
I’m not taking their word for it.
What we are doing is doing a systemic, full court press, to understand the program.
Working with them, also.
To make them understand that,
“You need to build confidence.
You need to resolve this issue through diplomatic means.”
* * *
Tim Sebastian: So.
Either full cooperation.
Or partial.
Mohamed ElBaradei: I think—
Tim Sebastian: Which will you accept?
Mohamed ElBaradei: Well, I—
Tim Sebastian: Partial cooperation?
Mohamed ElBaradei: No.
I would like to ask for full cooperation.
But—
Tim Sebastian: You’ve asked many times—
Mohamed ElBaradei: No—
Tim Sebastian: —in the past for it.
Mohamed ElBaradei: And.
They have been complying.
Tim Sebastian: Not fully.
Mohamed ElBaradei: Not—
Tim Sebastian: By your own words.
Mohamed ElBaradei: Not with regard with confidence-building.
You see.
They have been complying.
With regard to legal obligation.
That is their treaty obligation.
What the international community is asking them—
Legal obligation is not enough.
Because—
Because, as I said, their pattern of behavior in the past.
Because you have been—
You have—
Because there is really no need to accelerate your enrichment program.
Why don’t you build confidence.
By suspending, fully, enrichment-related activities.
And I am subscribing to that.
I am telling them, it is in your interests.
In the interests of the international community.
I don’t think confrontation is going to be helpful to anybody.
However, if they don’t—
If they don’t cooperate—
Tim Sebastian: More appeasement.
Mohamed ElBaradei: No.
Absolutely not—
Tim Sebastian: {Unintelligible}.
Where they could have another two years, to simply refine their techniques.
{Cross talk}
Mohamed ElBaradei: I can tell you.
We are not blue-eyed bureaucrats.
We are not giving into any policy of appeasement.
We are fully cognizant of the danger a weapon program could present to the international community.
But.
We are not also.
Hyping facts.
• Jack Straw (U.K. Foreign Secretary), interviewed by John Humphrys (BBC Radio 4, Today, London, Thursday November 4 2004, 6-9am at 8:10-8:25 a.m.) {BBCcat 90sx6874}, audio {15:22}, copy (bb) {11:37 bb} (“Foreign Secretary Jack Straw on how George Bush's re-election to office will affect Europe”), FCO transcript {pf, source}, reported, “US attack on Iran 'inconceivable'” {pf} (BBC News, November 4 2004, 1:03 p.m.).
• Paris Agreement, between the EU3 (U.K., France, Germany) and Iran (November 15 2004) (IAEA Doc. INFCIRC/637, 26 November 2004) {80kb.pdf}, page 3:
The E3/EU recognise Iran’s rights under the NPT, exercised in conformity with its obligations under the Treaty, without discrimination. ...
The suspension will be sustained while negotiations proceed on a mutually acceptable agreement on long-term arrangements.
The E3/EU recognize that this suspension is a voluntary confidence building measure and not a legal obligation.
• Javad Zarif (New York City) (Iran U.N. Ambassador, August 5 2002-2007 July 10), interviewed by Tim Sebastian (London) (BBC World, BBC News 24, HARDtalk, December 7 2004) {BBCcat anz2088f}, video {22:53}, Iran copy (larger) {22:57, source}.
• Javad Zarif (Iran U.N. Ambassador, August 5 2002-2007 July 10), “US-Iran Relations: A View from Tehran,” “Discussion Forum with Iranian UN Ambassador”, introduced by Aryeh Neier (President, Open Society Institute) (American Iranian Council, OSI: Open Society Institute, 400 West 59th Street, New York City, January 14 2005, 5:00 p.m.), audio {46:28, 49mb.rm} (excludes Q&As), invitation {110kb.pdf}, reported, “Iranian UN Envoy Defends Country's Nuclear Program” (OSI).
• Sergei Lavrov, interviewed in Moscow by Simon Marks, “Foreign Minister Lavrov” (PBS: Public Broadcasting Service, The NewsHour with Jim Lehrer, February 11 2005, 7:00 p.m. ET), audio {30:28}, video bb (excerpt) {13:21 bb}.
• Sergei Lavrov (Russia Foreign Minister), interviewed by Jeremy Paxman (BBC 2 TV, Newsnight, March 2 2005, 10:30 p.m.) {BBCcat c:andm747a}, BBC video {6:17}, Russia MFA video {16:07, 3.12mb.wmv, bb 80.3mb.wmv, source}, reported, “Sergei Lavrov: Exclusive interview” {pf} (BBC News, March 2 2005, 5:41 p.m.).
• Barbara Slavin (Senior Diplomatic Correspondent, USA Today), interviewed by Brian Lamb (C-Span founder and CEO), “Barbara Slavin” (C-Span, Q&A, Sunday March 13 2005, 8/11pm/6am ET), C-Span video {56:14, 542005160, 185890-1, archive, rss}, C-Span transcript. “Barbara Slavin discusses her trips to Iran, recent developments in the country, and the future of U.S.-Iran relations.”
• Iran, letter dated March 23 2005 to the EU3 (U.K., France, Germany), under the Paris Agreement, Iran’s proposed “package of objective technical guarantees,” “to preclude any proliferation concern,” omitted from the IAEA website, summarized in Iran’s letter to the IAEA of August 1 2005, page 3 (IAEA Doc. INFCIRC/648, 1 August 2005) {101kb.pdf}.
• Jack Straw (U.K. Foreign Secretary), following Gary S. Samore, both interviewed by Nick Clarke (BBC Radio 4, The World at One, London, Thursday May 12 2005, 1-1:30 p.m.) {BBCcat 92sx3116}, audio {29:59, at 20:28 (Iran, 8:56), 24:39 (Straw, 4:42)}, FCO transcript {pf, source}, reported, “Straw urges Iran nuclear rethink” {pf} (BBC News, May 12 2005, 3:30 p.m.).
• Iran, letter dated August 1 2005 to the IAEA, reporting failure of negotiations and resumption of uranium conversion, under IAEA Safeguards (Permanent Mission of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the United Nations and other International Organizations in Vienna, IAEA Doc. INFCIRC/648, 1 August 2005) {101kb.pdf}. See also Gordon Prather, “Anti-Iranian Hysteria” (LewRockwell.com, October 10 2005).
• EU3, proposal under the Paris Agreement, “Framework for a Long-Term Agreement Between the Islamic Republic of Iran and France, Germany & the United Kingdom, with the Support of the High Representative of the European Union” (August 5 2005) (IAEA Doc. INFCIRC/651, 8 August 2005) {235kb.pdf} {copy}, page 23, ¶ 34:
34. As Iran will have an assured supply of fuel over the coming years, it will be able to provide the confidence needed by making a binding commitment not to pursue fuel cycle activities other than the construction and operation of light water power and research reactors.
• Dafna Linzer, “No Proof Found of Iran Arms Program: Uranium Traced to Pakistani Equipment” {pf} (Washington Post, August 23 2005, page A1).
• Hans Blix, interviewed by John Humphrys, following his interview with Hamid Reza Asefi (spokesman, Iran Foreign Ministry) (BBC Radio 4, Today, London, Monday September 19 2005, 6-9am at 7:34-7:40 a.m.) {BBCcat 90sx9061}, audio {5:57}. “The International Atomic Energy Agency is meeting in Vienna today. What can it do about Iran? We hear from Hans Blix, the former UN Iraq weapons inspector.”
• Sergei Lavrov, speech {copy}, questions/answers (Stanford University, Hoover Institution on War, Revolution, and Peace, Stanford California, September 20 2005), Russia MFA video {52:06, 9.53mb.wmv, bb 197mb.wmv, source}, reported, “Russian minister of foreign affairs cites partnership, shared challenges of Russia and United States in talk” (Hoover Institution, Public Affairs, September 22 2005).
• John Bolton (interim U.S. U.N. Ambassador), interviewed by Gavin Esler (BBC 2 TV, Newsnight, October 14 2005, 10:30 p.m.) {BBCcat e:ands280a}, video bb {7:09 bb}, reported, “Iran accused over nuclear plans” (BBC News, October 15 2005).
• Javad Zarif (Iran U.N. Ambassador, August 5 2002-2007 July 10), “UN Ambassador from Iran to speak at WWS October 17” (Princeton University, Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, Robertson Hall, Dodds Auditorium, Princeton New Jersey, October 17 2005, 4:30 p.m.),