Why Politics Sucks
miscellaneous index

22.1.03

Bob Geldof was interviewed recently, asked for his thoughts and feelings about the death of Joe Strummer. He gave an articulate account of what punk rock was about, what Strummer's role was, and how politics may (or may not) relate to music. Punk was a reaction against complacent, bloated and corporate domination; the Radio 4 interviewer noted "that's where we are now with music": the banal, manufactured rubbish based more on sophisticated business plans than creative expression. And how it's being lapped up, with these Watch Me Become A Pop Star TV programmes.

Geldof is one of the few 'famous' people I admire. The Boomtown Rats were not quite a genuine punk band, but were in the same general category. I used to like their music ("I Don't Like Mondays" coincided with my weekly dread of school), and I regard Live Aid as one of the greatest public events I have ever witnessed. It was punk rock used creatively, as opposed to a violent and purely destructive force.

Hooray, Bob. I'm glad he's consulted, and he's usually got something intelligent to say. However, his remark about music and politics did not convince me. Not because of his inadequate perception, but because of a general and widespread trend which I refute.

The term 'politics' is sometimes a way of identifying conflicts and tensions that are psychological rather than doctrinal, individual rather than affiliative. I once knew someone who habitually smoked marijuana. Her bosses knew this and objected, and she described the situation as "political". I regarded it not as a question about power relations, but the legitimacy and intelligence of drug-taking - and the reasonable demand for clear-headed employees. 'Politics' is a way of crystallising specific situations into wider, commonly identified patterns of conflict. She liked to assert that it was a political situation, because it gave her an empowering ideological stance which condoned her personal habit, and allowed her to contest her employer's viewpoint.

I've been going to Film Studies classes, and I've noticed that the critical position - the viewpoint which challenges established values and hidden ideologies - has been subtly linked to a left wing, working class perspective. I first encountered this many years ago during A level sociology, and it seems endemic to academia at all levels. In particular, the Marxist critique is regarded as an eminent method, appropriate for critical thought. In Film Studies you have - supposedly - the glossy Hollywood formulas posited against the social realism of directors like Mike Leigh. One is bourgeois, the other is working class, and the latter is (sometimes) implicitly related to a superior critical position because it revolves around the normal struggles of life rather than a comfortable and escapist fantasy. Religion is the opium of the people, Marx said - and I agree. As the overwhelmingly dominant form of global mass-entertainment, film can be regarded in the same way. There's no doubt much of it is like this: an ideological apparatus which benefits the industry (the executive fat cats and the designer-actors), by encouraging passive and formulaic acquiescence rather than critical intelligence. But does this mean the working class (anti-bourgeois) experience is the more critical one? I think not.

Critical and genuinely subversive thought is considerably more complex, less binary, less doctrinal and more psychological. The dope smoker was struggling to have her habit accepted; she interpreted her dilemma in purely structural terms, i.e. an opposition between A and B with the ensuing conflict of power. She wasn't questioning or thinking about the nature of drug taking; perhaps she linked it with anti-establishment values like the 1960s hippies did, avoiding the obvious fact that they impair both perception and capability, and are the ultimate escape. That's why US soldiers used them in Vietnam, and why the UK drug problem is often related to poverty and crime. A damaged and painful life makes you seek out some kind of relief, which provides no answers but damages your life even more, and you have a tragic downward spiral which impacts on wider society, accounting for a large proportion of burglary and mugging. Is that 'political'? Of course not - the damage is clearly evident in both personal lives and wider society. The same point applies to other situations like music-making: sometimes, what people call 'political' is personal and psychological.

'Political' music is psychological at least as much as it concerns social power relations. Janis Joplin and Kurt Cobain have to be understood psychologically; Sid Vicious is an even better example. Punk rock was supposedly a political defiance, but much of it was based on damaged personal lives. In How to Survive Without Psychotherapy (1996) psychologist David Smail notes that the Thatcherite era created a noticeable increase in the numbers of people seeking counselling. The political climate was punitive and uncompassionate, and damaged people's lives. But does that mean "the personal is political", as feminism used to claim? In many situations the political is personal - psychological, that is. Religion is the opium of the people, and post-Marxist sociology is the opium of the academic.

There's no doubt there are identifiable social patterns which we have learned to recognise and formulate in terms of political discourse. But politics is not a universal intellectual template, despite the fact that it's often used in this way. The dope-smoker was engaged in a political struggle; Sid Vicious and wider punk rock was 'a political statement'. In fact, dope-smoker was interpreting/using political rhetoric to justify an escapist dependency and Sid Vicious was a tragically damaged young man (also taking drugs). Very often, the so-called realism of Mike Leigh (and others) is based on a corrosive material deprivation often linked to working class experience, construed in terms of a post-Marxist critique and legitimate counterpoint to glossy cinematic escapism and bourgeois exploitation. But this position is predicated on 'victim politics' - you are subjected to circumstances - and wholly material parameters and definitions of human experience. It lacks psychology. In many circumstances, what people are actually arguing about is the desire and need for happiness and fulfilment based on a healthy sense of personal power, i.e. the ability to influence the environment and get what you want from it. Some of this is material; much of it concerns attitude and personal awareness i.e. psychology. Because psychological awareness is chronically lacking, the psychological perspective and thus the necessary language is also lacking. Everyone is aware of politics, and they adopt its categories and terms to express their psychological issues.

People like to feel they are morally secure, and this psychological fact underlies religious and political affiliation where disputes and arguments are concerned. This is evident in the proceedings in the House of Commons and all political meetings. The faithful followers benefit from glowing feelings of certainty and belonging, and a unified and collective disparagement of whatever opposition there may be. They are right, other people are wrong, and debates are reduced to polarised and contrary positions where intermediary complexities do not exist. Religion can be understood psychologically; this mature position should be extended to politics.

In my Film Studies class, a student recently attacked the US in the following way: "They wouldn't sign the Kyoto treaty and now they want everyone to stand behind them just because 'planes flew into two buildings". Two things struck me about this. First, the fact that it is currently fashionable to speak in this way. Regarding yourself as fashionable makes you feel good - supposedly - and that is why it is such a powerful social force. It applies not only to the clothes we wear, but also to the 'political' views we espouse. Everyone else is bashing the US, I want to bash the US and benefit from the sense of belonging it gives me. No one challenged his remark; why should they when everyone else is adopting this stance?

Secondly, and related to the first point, is the illogical nature of his remark. He dismissed the horror of 9/11, the agony and trauma it caused, the psychopathic hatred that inspired it, and the concern that there are people capable of this behaviour. He elevated the Kyoto issue beyond its real significance, using it as part of a wider polemic – bash the US (I was angry about Kyoto, but I acknowledge that signing the treaty may have damaged the US economy. I would have liked to see them present an alternative plan or a compromise).

9/11? That’s politics for you - linked to religion, which also fits this analysis of mass psychology, irrational belief systems, and a lack of intelligent and independent thinking. ‘Politics’ (religion) provided an ideology which legitimised the mass murder of innocent people. Now it provides an ideology where 9/11 is regarded as a peripheral event, where the main issue is US imperialism.

We have to use the term ‘terrorism’ in any discussion. Unfortunately it frames, thus subtly legitimises phenomena in a particular way, as part of political discourse. The psychological perspective is important, based as it is on an attempt to understand, rather than a physical or ideological struggle for power. It is more neutral. In so called political terms the IRA and Islamic extremists are indeed terrorists. From a psychological and humanistic perspective they are psychopaths who feel they benefit from the deaths of innocent men, women and children - they are are outside all possible social codes. What kind of psyche is capable of this?

One that is susceptible, I suggest, to the persuasions of political rhetoric and the way it crystallises particular circumstances into wider and more historic arguments and trends. The method Hitler used when he reframed his psychopathic and genocidal atrocities into ‘politics’, i.e. Nazi ideology.

Perhaps what I'm trying to say is 'can't we try and understand each other, based on that which is common to all of us (psychology) rather than fight and argue from entrenched positions?' The daily news suggests no, we can't. That's why politics sucks, why it is an effect rather than a cause, and why I object when it is regarded as a directive by which life can be lived.

Psychohistory resources:

Principle web site: We may define psychohistory as the interdisciplinary study of why man has acted the way he has in history

Some PDF Essays

Interesting site: If you have ever read a history book, wondered why this or that event occurred as it did and felt frustrated because the writer either did not address this question or seemed unconvincing, then psychohistory might be for you. Traditional modes of historical explanation tend to emphasize political, social, economic, cultural, or intellectual motivations for events & actions. These are fine as far as they go, but how well do they really explain why humans behave in a given way in a given event? In psychohistory we are always mindful that history is made by men & women evolving from the past into the present on their way to the future. Psychohistorians ask why men/women behave as they do in history, thus we are always drawn back to the role of individual/shared emotion & fantasy as a major explanatory factor in history, just as it is in our present lives. The more traditional fields tend to ignore or downplay this aspect of human history. We have been accused of being reductionistic by some, this is not true; rather we believe and know that we are paying attention to the real basics. Of necessity, ours is an interdisciplinary field. It would be a mistake to assume that we seek to replace or usurp the insights of more traditional disciplines. Quite the contrary, we use the insights of many fields to build from, we could not exist without what has gone before.

Interesting analysis: Susie Orbach, one of Britain's leading psychotherapists, is not happy with the state of British politics. She thinks there is far too much 'bullying, stiffness and conflict' at Westminster, when what is needed is a bit more 'emotion, commitment and caring'